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Does balancing adequately capture the nature of rights? 275<br />

1.3 Should we over-protect rights?<br />

If the balancing process can give adequate expression to the weight of<br />

rights, then it seems it is able to capture the normative strength of rights.<br />

However, in response, theorists such as Meyerson could claim that their<br />

problem with Alexy’s theory is its failure to include a presumption in<br />

constitutional law in favour of rights that can only be dislodged by strong<br />

countervailing reasons. 36 Such a presumption can be justified by an<br />

argument concerning the institutional difficulties of accurate balancing:<br />

The fact that the assessment of the relative weight of principles is an<br />

‘uncertain, complex and speculative matter as attested by the frequent<br />

disagreements among judges on these questions’. 37 In certain circumstances,<br />

judges might be ‘subjectively predisposed to underestimate the<br />

strength of rights when they come into conflict with government goals,<br />

especially in areas like preventing crime and protecting national<br />

security’. 38 Given the likelihood of forms of institutional bias in certain<br />

cases, it may be justifiable to ‘over-protect rights’. This could be achieved,<br />

for instance, by requiring that those seeking to limit rights need to defeat a<br />

legal presumption in favour of those rights. Alternatively, it might be that<br />

the justification for limiting rights must be shown to meet a higher<br />

constitutional standard such as realising a ‘compelling interest’. 39<br />

The example given by Kumm illustrates <strong>this</strong> point well: A case came<br />

before the European Court of Human Rights as to whether it is discriminatory<br />

to exclude lesbian and gay people from the military. 40 Kumm recognises<br />

that naked homophobic reasons for excluding lesbian and gay people from<br />

the military should not be considered (or given zero weight in the balancing<br />

process). However, he worries that arguments concerning the impact of their<br />

inclusion upon the fighting power and operational effectiveness of the<br />

military may weigh heavily with courts in any balancing procedure. Courts<br />

may land up sanctioning homophobic attitudes through an institutional bias in<br />

favour of granting the military a discretion over matters of defence and<br />

national security. To counteract such an institutional bias, such theorists claim<br />

it is necessary to ‘over-protect rights’ and thus create a strong presumption in<br />

their favour which it is difficult to overturn.<br />

It should be recognised here that <strong>this</strong> objection does not attack the<br />

appropriateness of balancing in determining the outcome that should be<br />

achieved in a particular case. Even with the procedural correctives<br />

suggested, some form of balancing will still have to occur though the dice<br />

36<br />

Indeed, Schauer (n 14 above) 429 - 430 claims just that: Decision makers should see<br />

rights as shields that presumptively but not conclusively take precedence over other<br />

governmental interests.<br />

37<br />

Meyerson (n 11 above) 817.<br />

38 As above.<br />

39 This idea is suggested by Kumm (n 15 above) 152.<br />

40<br />

Lustig-Prean and Beckett v United Kingdom [1999] ECHR 71 (31417/96; 32377/96,<br />

27 Septermber 1999). The case is discussed in Kumm (n 15 above) 152.

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