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Towards a framework for understanding constitutional deference 293<br />

the efficacy of the protection of rights through a system of judicial review. That<br />

is a separate question. 4<br />

Neither does <strong>this</strong> discussion consider the political objections to a rightsbased<br />

discourse which argues that a rights-discourse impoverishes our<br />

conception of society and leads to a preoccupation of the individual with his<br />

or her rights, rather than a more group-based approach to rights. 5 The<br />

argument that judicial review is a preferable or even a necessary means to<br />

ensure adequate protection of constitutional rights does not affect the<br />

question of the democratic legitimacy of judicial review. Rather, the<br />

‘democracy versus juristocracy debate’ is one that hinges on the<br />

countermajoritarian nature of judicial review, since unelected (and therefore<br />

democratically unaccountable) judges, in engaging in judicial review,<br />

overturn the decisions of the democratically-elected representatives of the<br />

majority. This is the ‘paradox’ of judicial review in constitutional<br />

democracies: on the one hand, separation of powers requires that courts hold<br />

government accountable to the standards set out in the constitution; yet <strong>this</strong><br />

power given to the courts may be used to thwart the very right to political<br />

participation by withdrawing debate from the public arena to the domain of<br />

the courts. 6<br />

Advocates of judicial review have essentially three arguments open to<br />

them in the face of <strong>this</strong> objection to judicial review. First, they can limit the<br />

scope of judicial review to procedural matters in order to remove the<br />

democratic objections to substantive judicial review. This is the approach<br />

promoted by Ely. 7 This argument will not be considered here, and focus<br />

will be placed instead on arguments surrounding the democratic legitimacy<br />

of substantive constitutional review as these are the arguments relevant to<br />

a discussion of deference in constitutional review. The second avenue open<br />

to judicial review proponents is to question the assumption that democracy is<br />

the sole determinant of legitimacy. Such theorists would accept the<br />

undemocratic nature of constitutional review, but argue that it is nonetheless<br />

valuable as it affords greater protection for rights. The final option is to<br />

challenge a notion of democracy that excludes judicial review, that is, when<br />

properly understood, democracy is in fact enhanced by judicial review. 8<br />

4 See W Sadurski ‘Judicial review and the protection of constitutional rights’ (2002) 22<br />

Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 275 276.<br />

5 See, eg, M Tushnet ‘An essay on rights’ (1984) 62 Texas LR 1363 1384 - 1394; J Waldron<br />

‘Nonsense upon stilts? – a reply’ in J Waldron (ed) Nonsense upon stilts: Bentham, Burke and<br />

Marx on the rights of man (1987) 151 183 - 190; C Mouffe ‘Hegemony and new political<br />

subjects: Toward a new concept of democracy’ in C Nelson & L Grossberg (eds)<br />

Marxism and the interpretation of culture (1988) 89 100.<br />

6<br />

R Hirschl ‘Looking sideways, looking backwards, looking forwards: Judicial review vs<br />

democracy in comparative perspective’ (2000) 34 University of Richmond LR 415 421.<br />

7 J Ely Democracy and distrust: A theory of judicial review (1980).<br />

8<br />

P Lenta ‘Democracy, rights disagreements and judicial review’ (2004) 20 SAJHR 1 8 -<br />

13.

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