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306 Chapter 13<br />

they will protect as ‘fundamental human rights’ and those which are nonjusticiable<br />

or which require a greater degree of deference. This approach of<br />

differing levels of review is notably expounded by Justice Stone in the<br />

United States Supreme Court in United States v Carolene Products Co in the<br />

fourth footnote. In that footnote, Justice Stone explained that the new<br />

deferential method expounded by the Court in that case did not mean that<br />

the same level of deference was necessarily to be applied in all<br />

constitutional litigation and that legislation aimed at ‘particular religious,<br />

or national, or racial minorities’, for example, may call for a ‘more<br />

searching judicial enquiry’. 68 This approach has been adopted in the<br />

United Kingdom, for instance, where the House of Lords, in R v Carson,<br />

affirmed that in equality matters ‘severe scrutiny’ is appropriate. 69<br />

Similarly, in South Africa, the Constitutional Court has stated no<br />

institutional deference is necessary or desirable where a court is to<br />

determine whether the right to equality has been infringed. 70<br />

Socio-economic rights, by contrast, are a good example of a category<br />

of rights where many judges would accept that a highly deferent approach<br />

should be adopted – that is, if they are to be considered justiciable at all.<br />

In the same vein, decisions with resource-allocation implications are another<br />

category of cases where courts will generally show a great degree of<br />

deference to the decision making of the executive or legislature. 71 As<br />

Fredman points out, however, just as the distinction between ‘legal’ and<br />

‘political’ decisions is dubious, the category of ‘social or economic’ decisions,<br />

or those with resource implications, is difficult to sustain. 72<br />

In addition to these three contextual factors, others can be postulated.<br />

For instance, it is arguable that the subject matter should affect the level of<br />

review imposed where the agency has an interest in the outcome and may be<br />

perceived as biased in the decision-making process. In such cases, it is<br />

important for the court to be seen as an independent arbiter. A good<br />

example is where political rights are involved, such as the right to vote.<br />

Where a dispute arises around voting regulations or practices, a court<br />

should be quick to adjudicate the matter and apply a high level of scrutiny<br />

to the actions of the agency. This justification arises out of a more<br />

pragmatic conception of separation of powers.<br />

68 US v Carolene Products Co 304 US 144 (1938) 152 n 4. See the discussion of <strong>this</strong> case in<br />

DJ Solove ‘The darkest domain: Deference, judicial review, and the Bill of Rights’ (1998-<br />

1999) 84 Iowa LR 941 989 - 995.<br />

69 R (on the application of Carson) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions; R (on the application of<br />

Reynolds) v Secretary of State for Work and Pensions [2005] UKHL 37 para 57.<br />

70 MEC for Education, KwaZulu-Natal v Pillay 2008 1 SA 474 (CC) para 81.<br />

71 A Sachs ‘The judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights: The Grootboom case’ (2003)<br />

56 Current Legal Problems 579 588 - 589; Lord Hoffmann ‘The Combar lecture 2001:<br />

Separation of powers’ (2002) Judicial Review 137 paras 19 & 26. Contrast M<br />

Chamberlain ‘Democracy and deference in resource allocation cases: A riposte to Lord<br />

Hoffmann’ (2003) Judicial Review 12 paras 5 - 10; Lord Steyn (n 35 above) 357.<br />

72 Fredman (n 63 above) 58 - 59.

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