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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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Chapter 4: State Structure, Governing Parties <strong>and</strong> ForeignPolicymaking for Emerging Powers: The cases <strong>of</strong> SouthAfrica <strong>and</strong> BrazilIntroductionBy the middle <strong>of</strong> the last decade, governments <strong>of</strong> varying hue <strong>of</strong> leftist ideologywere in charge <strong>of</strong> a growing collection <strong>of</strong> states worldwide. This trend was no moreevident than in Latin America, where, by the time Fern<strong>and</strong>o Lugo became president<strong>of</strong> Paraguay in August 2008, nearly every state on the continent was under Leftistleadership. The Cold War provided a framework in which the potential ascent topower <strong>of</strong> movements <strong>and</strong> political parties <strong>of</strong> the Left was constructed as a threat tothe values <strong>of</strong> the free world, represented by the US <strong>and</strong> its allies. The threat wasbased on the assumption that governments <strong>of</strong> the Left were sponsored by theUSSR, <strong>and</strong> subject to Communist infiltration. This threat was frequently met byintervention, <strong>and</strong> other attempts to undermine Leftist movements <strong>and</strong>governments. For other states not as firmly ensconced in the North Atlanticalliance, however, government <strong>of</strong> the Left represented progressivism, internationalsolidarity, <strong>and</strong> the prospect <strong>of</strong> state-supported development. Quite apart from theCold War connotations <strong>of</strong> Leftist government, ideologically leftist administrations inthe United Kingdom, Australia, Canada <strong>and</strong> even the United States, have createdscholarly <strong>and</strong> popular expectations <strong>of</strong> foreign policy guided by ‘progressivism’ <strong>and</strong>internationalism. These expectations are based on assumptions that Leftistgoverning parties can automatically translate their progressivism into a ‘force forgood’ internationally, <strong>and</strong> that conservative governments are more subject to thedictates <strong>of</strong> Realpolitik than doctrine, 202 but these assumptions are open to question.The key contribution <strong>of</strong> the neoclassical realist approach to foreign policy, asillustrated in Chapter 3, is that it accepts the causal primacy <strong>of</strong> systemic factors inaffecting foreign policy, while making conceptual room for the influence <strong>of</strong>domestic dynamics, such as state-society relations, perceptions, ideas <strong>and</strong>personality, on the capacity <strong>of</strong> states to respond to challenges <strong>and</strong> opportunitiesstemming from their external environment. How can this assertion be made more202 Paterson, “Political parties <strong>and</strong> foreign policy”, 230.105

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