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constraints and national interests. Thus, both the system- and state-levels are crucialto understanding the foreign policies of intermediate states.The extent to which ‘moral’ discourses of ‘solidarity’ and pluralism in internationalrelations serve very narrow, national interests is a matter for further investigation. Anumber of intermediate states sought permanent seats on the UN Security Councilwhen permanent membership of this body came under review in 2005, the 50 thanniversary of the UN. In addition, some intermediate states, including SouthAfrica, Brazil and China, have clearly positioned themselves as representatives ofthe developing world. While the anti-imperialism and anti-colonialist stance of theearly independence period have vanished in all but rhetoric, the question stillremains why emerging powers have sought, in the main, to tread a careful patharound established powers, such as the United States. Some have even resisted thetemptation to develop ‘hard power’ capabilities and the means to project them.It seems necessary, therefore, to find a way to account for the upward trajectories ofcertain intermediate powers, that takes into account both structural factors, such asbalance of power (changes in relative capabilities), that limit action, 148 as well as thedominant ideas in domestic society that affect how each state views its threats andopportunities in formulating foreign policy. 149 This chapter will outline a theoreticaland methodological framework for examining the impact of a pacific, yet resourceintensive(not limited to material resources), internationalist outlook on emergingstates’ foreign policies.As noted by Taliaferro, there at least three key factors influencing state power – orthe “variation in extractive and mobilization capability affect[ing] states’ ability to148 Structural factors are not only limiting factors; they may also be constitutive factors, inthe sense that they set guidelines for what is possible in terms of upward mobility ofstates in the international hierarchy. In the current international climate, for example,nuclear arms are frowned upon by the major powers as a means to increase nationalstatus. This is notwithstanding the ambiguity of certain allies, like India and Israel, whosenuclear status has been tacitly accepted. Structure may create opportunities as well asconstraints.149 Randall Schweller provides a compelling early account of the significant differencesbetween status quo and revisionist states with his ‘balance-of-interests’. This frameworktakes explicit account, within a realist paradigm, of unit-level factors affecting alliancebehaviour, thus combining structural and domestic factors in accounting for state action.See Schweller, “New Realist Research”.81