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after the end of the Cold War. While these principles may appear unproblematic intheory, they involve a tension between the foreign and domestic policies ofdeveloping states. As noted in Chapter 2, the cosmopolitan assumptions at the rootof Southern internationalist foreign policies are considered to be the products of‘modern’ outlooks on international life. Yet, developing countries are typicallyconsidered to be still grappling with the establishment of the first ‘modern’ principleof international life, sovereignty or statehood, and the strengthening of theirjurisdiction over clearly delimited geographical territories. With high numbers ofunemployed, gross income disparities, and numerous other socio-economicchallenges, the justification for foreign policies that recognise international dutiesand obligations that require the allocation of state resources is potentiallyproblematic. This was not the case for the first wave of middle powers from theWest, whose vast domestic social welfare schemes, and the relations between stateand society on which they were predicated, served as inspiration for their activistforeign policies.ConclusionThe engagement of South Africa and Brazil, respectively, in the Haiti crisisstimulated a number of foreign policy debates in these countries. The sight of twoavowedly internationalist states becoming involved in Haiti’s seemingly irresolvablecrisis spurred questions about what intervention would look like when spearheadedby Southern states whose foreign policies were guided by ‘internationalism’,including the peaceful resolution of disputes; a commitment to multilateralism; nonintervention;and, South-South solidarity.Proponents of involvement on both sides sought to emphasise the uniqueness ofSouthern engagements. South Africa, for its part, acted, it would appear, largely onthe whim of President Mbeki. As Mbeki noted in his weekly newsletter, SouthAfricans had little knowledge of the crisis unfolding in Haiti and South Africa’sengagement served to edify a policy issue (the mobilisation of the African Diasporaabroad) that was central to Mbeki’s plans for Africa’s renewal. The concept of‘African Renaissance’ and its accompanying plans had already been criticised forbeing developed out of the glare of public scrutiny and without public participation,269