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facilitating ‘alternative’ diplomatic relations that run parallel to, if not always int<strong>and</strong>em with, state diplomatic arrangements. 187However, it is not only the ruling party that matters, as Ripsman notes, executiveautonomy derives “not merely from the form <strong>of</strong> democracy (i.e. its institutionalstructure), but also from the decision-making procedures <strong>and</strong> procedural norms thatgovern the conduct <strong>of</strong> foreign security policy”. 188 The less autonomous theexecutive, the further away from neorealism’s unitary state one gets. Paradoxically,other research has found that in parliamentary systems, executives tend to trumplegislatures, while in presidential systems, presidents are not as autonomous asmight be expected. 189 This compels a narrowing <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> the objects <strong>of</strong> analysis,the decision unit, <strong>and</strong> privileges the ruling party as an object <strong>of</strong> analysis.Governing parties form part <strong>of</strong> the second image <strong>of</strong> foreign policymaking, at thelevel <strong>of</strong> the state. While they are not synonymous with the state, they comprise animportant component <strong>of</strong> the state, <strong>and</strong> governing parties may ‘pay’ for injudiciousforeign policy decisions by being voted out <strong>of</strong> power. 190 Furthermore, analystsfrequently look to the nature <strong>of</strong> the governing party for indicators <strong>of</strong> the potentialtrajectory <strong>of</strong> a state’s future foreign policy. Governing parties also represent animportant interface between the public <strong>and</strong> foreign policy. While their influencemay be limited when they rule by coalition, or where foreign policy decisions maybe vetoed in a parliamentary system, their impact on determining the course <strong>of</strong>foreign policy is significant. This impact is mediated through the executive <strong>and</strong> itsrole in determining foreign policy. The governing party thus forms a centralcomponent <strong>of</strong> the Foreign Policy Executive – both through its ideology <strong>and</strong> key187 A search reveals that party-to-party diplomacy tends to be discussed in theinternational relations literature in almost exclusive relation to the activities <strong>of</strong> theCommunist Party <strong>of</strong> China. An instructive study in this regard is David L. Shambaugh,“China’s ‘Quiet Diplomacy’: The International Department <strong>of</strong> the Chinese CommunistParty”, China: An International Journal, 5, No.1 (March 2007).188 Ripsman, “Domestic Interest Groups”, 177.189 Miriam Fendius Elman, “Presidentialism, Parliamentarism <strong>and</strong> Theories <strong>of</strong>Democratic Peace”, Security Studies, 9, Issue 4, Summer 2000, cited in ibid., 177.190 This does not occur frequently, however. The one recent <strong>and</strong> frequently-cited casethat comes to mind is that <strong>of</strong> Centre-Right Jose Maria Aznar’s Popular Party, that lostthe Spanish General Election in March 2004, owing to its policy <strong>of</strong> participating in theIraq War, <strong>and</strong> its conduct following the Madrid train bombings by terrorists. Wilkinson,Isambard. 2004. “Election blow to Bush’s war on terror”, in The Telegraph, accessedonline at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/spain/1456911/Electionblow-to-Bushs-war-on-terror.htmlon 11 August, 2010.95

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