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• The nature <strong>of</strong> internationalism outside the West;• The weaknesses <strong>of</strong> FPA with regard to the foreign policy <strong>of</strong> states in theGlobal South;• The role <strong>of</strong> domestic politics, especially governing parties, in shaping thecapabilities <strong>of</strong> states to respond to systemic imperatives, such as relativechanges in international power;• Alternative routes to power in the contemporary international context; <strong>and</strong>,• The broader question <strong>of</strong> the continuing poverty <strong>of</strong> International Relationstheory with respect to the foreign affairs <strong>of</strong> the developing world,encompassing two specific areas, namely the marginalisation <strong>of</strong> thedeveloping world from studies <strong>of</strong> internationalism; <strong>and</strong>, the overlooking <strong>of</strong>agency in the developing world.To what extent does internationalism condition the foreign policies <strong>of</strong> South Africa <strong>and</strong> Brazil?An unspoken question in contemporary commentaries on the changing world orderis ‘whose side are they on’?, in reference to emerging powers such as South Africa,Brazil <strong>and</strong> India. While their multilateral activism is sometimes viewed as a threat, ithas roots in the attempts to manage complex domestic challenges <strong>and</strong> competingforeign policy dem<strong>and</strong>s. The type <strong>of</strong> ‘internationalism’ that results, whetherconflictual or cooperative, bears great significance for the future <strong>of</strong> regional <strong>and</strong>global order. What this analysis has aimed to steer clear <strong>of</strong> is the typicaldichotomising <strong>of</strong> periphery-core relations in terms <strong>of</strong> West/capitalism/humanrights/democracy v. Non-west/socialism/repression/autocracy. The choices foremerging powers such as South Africa <strong>and</strong> Brazil have been couched largely in theseterms, both by their own respective domestic critics <strong>and</strong> proponents, as well as theinternational mainstream media, characterised by the Economist, for example. 701Yet, little account is taken <strong>of</strong> domestic politics <strong>and</strong> the differential between nationalpower <strong>and</strong> expendable state power. As has been shown in Chapters 5 <strong>and</strong> 6,decision-makers do not always have access to the required state resources for theimplementation <strong>of</strong> foreign policy. Furthermore, ideational <strong>and</strong> identity-related701 See The Economist, “Lula <strong>and</strong> his squabbling friends”, Vol. 392 Issue 8644, p31-32;also, “Whose side is Brazil on?”, The Economist, Vol. 392 Issue 8644, p10. On SouthAfrica, see “South Africa <strong>and</strong> the World: The see-no-evil foreign policy”, The Economist,November 13, 2008.277

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