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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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the face <strong>of</strong> anarchy in the international system (the institutional conception). 131Although the term was initially more frequently used to denote cooperationbetween individuals, groups <strong>and</strong> nations, <strong>and</strong> emphasized the development <strong>of</strong>international law, it was not necessarily concerned with cosmopolitan ideas <strong>of</strong>transcending the state. 132 The foremost example <strong>of</strong> internationalism in the closingdecades <strong>of</strong> the nineteenth century was the international labour movement, theInternational Workingmen’s Association (the First International), which Hallidaydirectly implicates in the coining <strong>of</strong> the term ‘internationalism’. After World War I,the nation-state returned to favour as the “most important building block” 133 in theinternationalist view <strong>of</strong> politics. This was accompanied by a centralisation <strong>of</strong>domestic politics following the war. 134This commitment to the state as the primary vehicle <strong>of</strong> internationalism foundresonance in the independence <strong>and</strong> nationalist struggles <strong>of</strong> many states <strong>of</strong> theformer Third World. This commitment to the state, combined with the notion <strong>of</strong>‘solidarity’, are, however, two features that have resulted in the de-emphasis <strong>of</strong>human rights – a prominent feature <strong>of</strong> liberal internationalism - in ‘Southern’internationalism. Starting at B<strong>and</strong>ung, a dual, potentially conflicting, discourse waspeddled, <strong>of</strong> transnational solidarity on questions pertaining to the independence <strong>of</strong>colonised nations on the one h<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> the near-silence on colonised minorities on theother. Highly salient is the fact that third world internationalism was conceived inthe context <strong>of</strong> struggles for decolonisation; hence, there were significantimpediments to it being thought <strong>of</strong> in any terms but statist ones.Afro-Asian solidarity coalesced around their respective struggles for independence:“The fundamental consensus <strong>of</strong> B<strong>and</strong>ung was an emphasis on the absolutesovereignty <strong>of</strong> the post-colonial state”. 135 Thus, at a time when European stateswere commencing the process that would lead to the eventual negotiation <strong>of</strong> ameasure <strong>of</strong> their respective national sovereignties, through the launch in 1951 <strong>of</strong> theEuropean Coal <strong>and</strong> Steel Community, in Africa <strong>and</strong> Asia, expressions <strong>of</strong> politicalmodernity were taking place in the non-negotiable form <strong>of</strong> the independent, post-131 This distinction is Sylvest’s, “Continuity <strong>and</strong> Change”.132 Sylvest, “Continuity <strong>and</strong> Change”, 266.133 Sylvest, “Beyond the State?”, 73.134 Ibid.: 73.135 Amrith, “Asian Internationalism”, 560.72

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