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The Presidency makes foreign policy in consultation with the Foreign Ministry,represented by its Secretary-General, <strong>and</strong> on occasion by senior diplomats on theirown geographical areas <strong>of</strong> expertise. While PT itself does not feature in aninstitutional sense during the foreign policymaking process, certain major PTfigureheads retain some influence on the foreign policymaking process. Amongthese, in addition to the President <strong>and</strong> his international affairs adviser, is thedisgraced former Presidential Chief-<strong>of</strong>-Staff José Dirceu, 282 who is known to holdanti-America <strong>and</strong> anti-free trade positions 283 <strong>and</strong> is a key figure in PT.The post <strong>of</strong> foreign affairs adviser in the Presidency has traditionally been occupiedby a senior diplomat. 284 This created a ‘natural bridge’ to the Foreign Ministry, asthe <strong>of</strong>fice-holder would serve as a source <strong>of</strong> information for the President, in analmost perfunctory role. Under the Lula administration, since 2006, this position hasinstead been held by a member <strong>of</strong> the PT leadership, Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Marco AurélioGarcia. Garcia had previously served as interim leader <strong>of</strong> PT, <strong>and</strong> had been proactivein “defining <strong>and</strong> even implementing certain lines <strong>of</strong> Lula’s foreign policy”. 285Strictly speaking, neither the President’s Special Adviser for International Affairs,nor the Secretary-General <strong>of</strong> Itamaraty have historically had substantive roles informing or implementing foreign policy. 286 Where the Secretary-General has playeda role in the formulation <strong>and</strong> implementation <strong>of</strong> foreign policy, this has mainlyserved to support the diplomatic process. This departure under the Lulaadministration had reverberations within the foreign policy establishment, leading toearly rumours <strong>of</strong> discord between Garcia <strong>and</strong> Foreign Minister Celso Amorim. Adivision <strong>of</strong> labour later evolved, which saw Garcia take responsibility for the moredelicate ‘ideological’ aspects <strong>of</strong> Brazil’s foreign policy, such as relations with HugoChavez, <strong>and</strong> other issues involving fellow ‘Leftist’ governments <strong>of</strong> South America;while Amorim dealt with ‘technical’ aspects relating to international trade282 Personal communication with a senior Brazilian diplomat.283 See personal blog <strong>of</strong> Jose Dirceu: http://www.zedirceu.co.br284 Rex A. Hudson, Brazil: A Country Study. Washington GPO for the Library <strong>of</strong>Congress: Washington, DC (1997). Accessed online at: http://countrystudies.us/brazil/on 20 April, 2010. The last time a non-diplomat held this post was during the Kubitschekpresidency (1956-60), when it was held by the poet Augusto Frederico Schmidt.Vigevani <strong>and</strong> Cepaluni, “Lula’s Foreign Policy”,1316.285 Paulo Roberto Almeida, “Uma nova ‘arquitetura’ diplomática? – Interpretaçõesdivergentes sobre a política externa do governo Lula (2003-2006)”, Revista Brasileira dePolítica Internacional, 49, No.1 (2005): 97.286 Almeida, “Uma nova ‘arquitetura’ diplomática?”.128

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