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The Presidency makes foreign policy in consultation with the Foreign Ministry,represented by its Secretary-General, and on occasion by senior diplomats on theirown geographical areas of expertise. While PT itself does not feature in aninstitutional sense during the foreign policymaking process, certain major PTfigureheads retain some influence on the foreign policymaking process. Amongthese, in addition to the President and his international affairs adviser, is thedisgraced former Presidential Chief-of-Staff José Dirceu, 282 who is known to holdanti-America and anti-free trade positions 283 and is a key figure in PT.The post of foreign affairs adviser in the Presidency has traditionally been occupiedby a senior diplomat. 284 This created a ‘natural bridge’ to the Foreign Ministry, asthe office-holder would serve as a source of information for the President, in analmost perfunctory role. Under the Lula administration, since 2006, this position hasinstead been held by a member of the PT leadership, Professor Marco AurélioGarcia. Garcia had previously served as interim leader of PT, and had been proactivein “defining and even implementing certain lines of Lula’s foreign policy”. 285Strictly speaking, neither the President’s Special Adviser for International Affairs,nor the Secretary-General of Itamaraty have historically had substantive roles informing or implementing foreign policy. 286 Where the Secretary-General has playeda role in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy, this has mainlyserved to support the diplomatic process. This departure under the Lulaadministration had reverberations within the foreign policy establishment, leading toearly rumours of discord between Garcia and Foreign Minister Celso Amorim. Adivision of labour later evolved, which saw Garcia take responsibility for the moredelicate ‘ideological’ aspects of Brazil’s foreign policy, such as relations with HugoChavez, and other issues involving fellow ‘Leftist’ governments of South America;while Amorim dealt with ‘technical’ aspects relating to international trade282 Personal communication with a senior Brazilian diplomat.283 See personal blog of Jose Dirceu: http://www.zedirceu.co.br284 Rex A. Hudson, Brazil: A Country Study. Washington GPO for the Library ofCongress: Washington, DC (1997). Accessed online at: http://countrystudies.us/brazil/on 20 April, 2010. The last time a non-diplomat held this post was during the Kubitschekpresidency (1956-60), when it was held by the poet Augusto Frederico Schmidt.Vigevani and Cepaluni, “Lula’s Foreign Policy”,1316.285 Paulo Roberto Almeida, “Uma nova ‘arquitetura’ diplomática? – Interpretaçõesdivergentes sobre a política externa do governo Lula (2003-2006)”, Revista Brasileira dePolítica Internacional, 49, No.1 (2005): 97.286 Almeida, “Uma nova ‘arquitetura’ diplomática?”.128
negotiations, for example. 287 This division risked promoting two parallel, andpotentially conflicting, foreign policy agendas for Brazil, while at the same timediversifying its diplomatic options.On the one hand is the party-to-party diplomacy of PT, exhibited to great effectduring the Venezuelan crisis of 2002, the year of Lula’s ascent to power. This crisissaw the despatch of Garcia to Venezuela, even before Lula had assumed thePresidency, in an attempt to mediate between Hugo Chavez and the opposition. Inaddition, some reports stated that Lula had played a pivotal role in convincingPresident Cardoso to approve emergency shipments of 520,000 barrels of oil toVenezuela. The shipment helped to ease the effects of a crippling strike in protest atChavez’s rule in December 2002. 288 On the other hand is the official diplomacy ofthe Brazilian state that seeks to disavow entanglements in the domestic affairs ofother states. Keeping these two ‘tracks’ of diplomacy separate has becomeincreasingly difficult for the government, as it faces accusations of keeping ‘bad’company on account of the Party’s relations with leaders of the Left in LatinAmerica.The role of the Executive: Itamaraty (Ministry of External Relations, MRE)Itamaraty’s influence on the exercise of Brazilian diplomacy is a historicalcornerstone of Brazilian foreign policy. The Foreign Ministry has a significant - yetnot always decisive – role in the process of foreign policy formulation andimplementation. The last major analysis in English of this formidable institution wasconducted by the eminent Brazil scholar, Ronald M. Schneider, in 1976. Now asthen, “Not surprisingly, the Foreign Ministry …tends to respond somewhatdefensively to the suggestion or even the implication that it is not the central actorin the Brazilian foreign-policy process”. 289 A commonly held view is that Itamaratyhas been a conservative force in Brazilian foreign policy, owing to its recruitment287 Tullo Vigevani and Gabriel Cepaluni, “Lula’s foreign policy and the quest forautonomy through diversification”, Third World Quarterly, 28, Issue 7 (2007): 1316.288 Rohter, Larry. 2002. “Venezuela gets fuel aid / Brazil ships gasoline to show supportfor Chavez”, in San Francisco Chronicle, December 27, 2002. Accessed online at:http://articles.sfgate.com/2002-12-27/news/17576932_1_venezuelan-october-chavezbrazilian-governmenton 13 August, 2010.289 Schneider, Brazil.129
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To my parents, Christopher and Vali
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSNothing that preced
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LIST OF SIGNIFICANT ACRONYMS AND AB
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PTRDPSACPSADCSPLMSWAPOUNCTADUNMIHUN
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Chapter 7 The New Internationalists
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Chapter 1: Introduction1.1. Context
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overwhelmingly, yet not completely,
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Hence, shifts in the international
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antipathy of the IR literature to a
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frowned upon by developed and devel
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identify cases - and these were num
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politics and political lobbying. Th
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This is followed by the presentatio
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emerging powers Brazil, Russia, Ind
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decades. More a collection of works
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exercised more frequently, where th
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The role of left-leaning political
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outcomes? Which instruments have th
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percent. 56 In South Africa, Blacks
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Brazil, because in engaging in this
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which domestic institutional arrang
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Chapter 2: Internationalism in the
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potentially providing indications o
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and most important, that these two
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According to Goldmann, internationa
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granted that states will always hav
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transformation in the anarchical in
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2.2.3 Post-Cold WarThe immediate af
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emains a rallying cry in contempora
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their stress on peaceful settlement
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epresentation; and peaceful mechani
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experienced international marginali
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colonial state. 136 The commitment
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dominant nations which may hope to
Page 77: domestic welfare arrangements and f
Page 80 and 81: foreign policy. The latter include
Page 82 and 83: adjust to shifts in their internati
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Page 86 and 87: ethics may underpin the same foreig
Page 88 and 89: As noted by Taliaferro, however, ne
Page 90 and 91: Systemic Constraints :AnarchyRelati
Page 92 and 93: Neorealism’s emphasis on the syst
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Page 96 and 97: individuals - located at the “int
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Page 100 and 101: nature of interim or transitional g
Page 102 and 103: The neoclassical realist framework
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Page 106 and 107: practicable and analytically releva
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Page 110 and 111: These incipient foreign policy prin
Page 112 and 113: each province, consisting of 10 del
Page 114 and 115: While this figure is small in globa
Page 116 and 117: mercantilist’, 238 or ‘revoluti
Page 118 and 119: The party’s commitment to the pro
Page 120 and 121: 2. Strengthening of South-South Co-
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Page 124 and 125: slavery. Even Brazil’s participat
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Page 130 and 131: and socialisation practices, as wel
Page 132 and 133: members were negotiated. 296 Recent
Page 134 and 135: President Lula’s second and last
Page 136 and 137: 4.2.3. International OutlookBrazil
Page 138 and 139: linguistic distinction from its Spa
Page 140 and 141: welfare measures. The party’s rel
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Page 144 and 145: missions and disaster relief. Yet,
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Page 148 and 149: electoral system. The following sec
Page 150 and 151: identity changed as the challenges
Page 152 and 153: to the United States, with the atte
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Page 156 and 157: ecognised as the ‘sole legitimate
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Page 164 and 165: Much of Mandela’s tenure as Presi
Page 166 and 167: with more wealthy donors in the Glo
Page 168 and 169: complicates the task of separating
Page 170 and 171: Thabo Mbeki was frequently lampoone
Page 172 and 173: the social-democratic Reconstructio
Page 174 and 175: At the helm of DFA were two individ
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Globally, the United States and its
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South Africa under Mbeki had decide
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his support for Mugabe against the
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on Participation in International P
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(FOCAC) Conference in November. The
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Mbeki’s last full year in office,
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190
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international norms and regimes. 45
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of Brazil. In this discussion, Braz
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This period came to an end during t
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This dilemma - the choice between c
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on so-called ‘cultural diplomacy
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exchange rate movements and the cap
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and conflict resolution under the W
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Brazil’s military capabilities ar
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shifts in its approach to Brazil’
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een required of PT as a party of th
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A number of scholars are agreed tha
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leader…espousing a populist polit
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foreign policy document, it was the
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election campaign, a rarity for a f
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alumni, have been the subject of mu
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6.5. Criticism from other political
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- the 2001 attacks on the United St
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Middle East, but they also appeared
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limitations on its capacities for w
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São Tomé and Principe, Ethiopia a
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emphasised the principle of non-int
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US$180 bn, compared to US$85 bn the
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underscored by increased military s
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country enjoyed, and by the apparen
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Chapter 7: The New Internationalist
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from their repeatedly-stated commit
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On this occasion the force was able
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Instead, France and the US were mor
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and groups in their efforts to prom
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to the leader of the Parliamentary
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Aristide’s birthday, our people w
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7.4. Brazil’s strategy on Haiti:
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taken by two branches of the armed
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esolutions). 664 A primary example
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However, Haiti was not merely a hum
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to share its experiences of securin
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giving near-automatic assent to the
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• Universalism, and• Internatio
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A prominent official discourse on t
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so this was an issue area that was
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Part III: Thematic Discussion and C
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Chapter 8: Neoclassical Realism, In
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policymaking elites of these states
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commitments have a substantial impa
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The resulting statement that the fi
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In South Africa, the intervening va
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liberation movement, has assumed mo
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South Africa expanded its engagemen
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more pragmatic, without losing sigh
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at the unit-level, where the state
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falls short of capturing the full g
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a political or material nature, in
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It is also plausible to expect that
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national capabilities and therewith
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300
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Appendix 1: Brazilian Presidents si
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1910: Formation of the Union of Sou
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2004: ANC wins landslide election v
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1960: Jânio Quadro is elected pres
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Renan Calheiros, speaker of the Sen
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31 May 2004: Jean-Bertrand Aristide
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SeptemberOctoberNovemberDecemberMap
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OctoberNovemberDecember11: South Af
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JuneJuly23: South Africa participat
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OctoberNovemberreadiness for South
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FebruaryMarchSouth Africa establish
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June 2006, legislative andmunicipal
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FebruaryKuwaiti deputy premier visi
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Appendix 6: Selected Brazilian Inte
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agreement proposed by theUSA to gra
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in Iran.2004JanuaryLula visits Indi
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Brazil is successful in its cottond
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Brazil opens Consulates-General in
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and MINUSTAH authorities.OctoberNov
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Maythe installation ofEMPBRAPA’s
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Honduras and Nicaragua withthe Inte
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NovemberLula requests Minister Amor
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AprilMayJuneJulyand the Palestinian
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REFERENCESList of InterviewsBrazilL
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______, Sally Morphet and Marco Ant
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______. 2004. “Aristide arrives i
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______, Jacqueline Anne. 2003. “C
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Connors, Michael E. Connors. 2005.
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contributors). 1986. How Foreign Po
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Glenn, John. 2009. “Realism versu
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Hirst, Monica. 2009. “South Ameri
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Jönsson, Christer. 2002. “Chapte
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Lipton, Merle. 2009. “Understandi
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______. 2004. “State of the Natio
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International Studies Convention, L
Page 372 and 373:
Pfister, Roger. 2003. “Gateway to
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Samuels, David. 2004. “From Socia
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______. 2003. “Culture(s) of the
Page 378 and 379:
UOL Notícias. 2009. “Celso Amori
Page 380:
World Bank. 2009. Gross Domestic Pr
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