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Middle East, but they also appeared more threatening because <strong>of</strong> Brazil’s <strong>and</strong> theregion’s economic situation, <strong>and</strong> the consequent social dislocations <strong>and</strong> theirpolitical repercussions. This, in turn, led to a significant militarization <strong>of</strong> US policyin Latin America – although with a focus “narrowly targeted at particularly troublingor urgent situations” 570 – a potential power vacuum in the region that neorealisttheory would predict that Brazil, as a pretender to regional hegemony, howevermuted, would seek to fill.PT entered power on a triumphant wave, with Lula securing 61.3% <strong>of</strong> the popularvote in a second-round run-<strong>of</strong>f with PSDB c<strong>and</strong>idate José Serra. Da Silva’s election,<strong>and</strong> the rise to power <strong>of</strong> the party <strong>of</strong> the workers, PT, was described as “aparadigmatic change in the social, economic <strong>and</strong> political panoramas <strong>of</strong> Brazil”. 571Indeed, it was the first time in Brazil’s history that a party <strong>of</strong> the Left 572 had beenvoted into power, after a history <strong>of</strong> reversals in Brazil; <strong>and</strong> the first time that a rankoutsider from the traditional political elite was elected president. The notedBrazilian sociologist Darcy Ribeiro had noted how Brazilian history comprised acontinuous battle between the elites <strong>and</strong> the poor, with even the 1964 coup aproduct <strong>of</strong> elite trepidation over the possible consequences <strong>of</strong> Quadros <strong>and</strong>Goulart’s populist policies. 573 While Lula’s victory was resounding, the capacity <strong>of</strong>the Party to give effect to long-held foreign policy principles was limited both bythe institutional h<strong>and</strong>icaps imposed by its comparative weakness in the legislature;initially slow economic growth; an uncertain relationship with the military; as well asthe party’s own weakness in the foreign policymaking domain.Lula’s first term started <strong>of</strong>f in an understated fashion, when considered in the light<strong>of</strong> his resounding victory in the second-round run-<strong>of</strong>f presidential vote.570 Peter Hakim, “Is Washington Losing Latin America?”, Foreign Affairs, 85, No.1 (Jan-Feb, 2006): 39.571 Almeida, “A Política Internacional do PT”, 87.572 Lula was not the first leftist President <strong>of</strong> Brazil, however. The presidency <strong>of</strong> JoãoGoulart in 1961 was associated with the interests <strong>of</strong> the left. Yet, he was not voted intopower, <strong>and</strong> his accession to the presidency after the resignation <strong>of</strong> his predecessor,Jânio Quadro, mobilised massive opposition from the military, <strong>and</strong> political quarters. SeeLeslie Bethell, “Chapter 2: Politics in Brazil under the Liberal Republic, 1945-1964”, inThe Cambridge History <strong>of</strong> Latin America: Volume 9, Brazil since 1930, ed., LeslieBethell, Leslie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008): 139-140.573 Darcy Ribeiro, The Brazilian People [O Povo Brasileiro]. Translated by GregoryRabassa. (Gainesville: University Press <strong>of</strong> Florida, 2000).This theme has been aleitmotif in Brazilian history <strong>and</strong> society, also famously dissected in sociologist GilbertoFreyre’s The Masters <strong>and</strong> the Slaves.226

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