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underlines a party’s dominance, such as a parliamentary system, or one that limits it,such as a presidential system.Intermediate states have made a scant impact on mainstream International Relationstheorising. The key developments in theorising about these states have centredupon their middle power status, <strong>and</strong> more recently, their possibilities <strong>of</strong> acting asdifferent types <strong>of</strong> power. Neorealism overlooks lesser powers altogether. Liberalismhas, however, been able to account for both the domestic factors influencing theinternational outlooks <strong>of</strong> intermediate states, as well as the centrality <strong>of</strong>multilateralism to their foreign policies. The theoretical outlook that is able toaccount for both systemic <strong>and</strong> domestic determinants <strong>of</strong> states’ foreign policies isfound in the neoclassical realist approach to foreign policy analysis. As noted byTaliaferro, “Neoclassical realism suggests that state power – the relative ability <strong>of</strong>the state to extract or mobilize resources from domestic society as determined bythe institutions <strong>of</strong> the state, as well as by nationalism <strong>and</strong> ideology – shapes thetypes <strong>of</strong> internal balancing strategies a state is likely to pursue”. 156 Zakaria adds thatstate power is “that portion <strong>of</strong> national power the government can extract for itspurposes <strong>and</strong> reflects the ease with which central decision makers can achieve theirends”. 157This chapter proceeds in four sections. First, in response to the possible puzzlementthat might greet a theoretical association between internationalism in foreign policy<strong>and</strong> neoclassical realism, a discussion <strong>of</strong> ethics <strong>and</strong> realism in foreign policy analysisis conducted. This is followed by an exposition <strong>of</strong> three key contributions <strong>of</strong> theneoclassical realist approach <strong>and</strong> their place in the thesis. Finally, the role <strong>of</strong>governing parties <strong>and</strong> leading individuals in resource mobilisation <strong>and</strong> extraction isinterrogated. The chapter concludes that by combining the strengths <strong>of</strong> system-level<strong>and</strong> unit-level analysis, it is possible to gain deeper insight into what motivatesinternationalist foreign policy approaches by intermediate states. In addition, <strong>and</strong>more importantly, combining material-structural <strong>and</strong> ideational factors in an analysisavoids the untenable <strong>and</strong> false dichotomy that is frequently established with regard156 Taliaferro, “State Building for Future Wars”, 467.157 Cited in John Glenn, John, “Realism versus Strategic Culture: Competition <strong>and</strong>Collaboration?”, International Studies Review,11 (2009): 525.83

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