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from the world of the imperial powers. This position gave rise to the formation ofthe Non-Aligned Movement in 1961. The movement was based on the principlesof: peace and disarmament; independence and self-determination; economicequality; cultural equality; and, universalism and multilateralism. 113Transnationalism – an early solidarity between not yet independent nations -retained the primacy of the ‘nation’ in whose name, in many cases, independencehad been won, yet signalled the strong solidarity across national boundaries of allformerly subject peoples. Once independence had been achieved, however, theprinciples of solidarity shifted to embrace a commitment more in favour of theinternational sovereignty of the newly-independent states, encompassing their rights tonational development and the recognition of their status as equals in internationalpolitics. This was encapsulated in the principles broadly contained in the Panchsheel,agreed to between China and India over the Tibet issue, but later extended torelations more broadly in the developing world. While the pre-eminence of the stateis one key point of divergence, another potential reason for the divergence ininternationalisms between the developed and developing worlds is the scepticismwith which the developing world held the ‘normative’ proclamations of the West. 114The development of multilateralism as a key tenet of third world internationalismoccurred through the early institutional support offered to African and Asian states’by their membership of the institutions of the United Nations, especially theGeneral Assembly. 115 There, they were singled out as a distinctive group, based onthe following:Their aversion to condemnation or denunciation of the communist world; theirdetermination to prevent the transformation of the United Nations into a Cold War arena;113 A.W. Singham and Shirley Hune, Non-Alignment in an Age of Alignments (London:Zed Books, 1986): 14-15.114 This is noted in the case of India by Rhada Kumar, “India as a Foreign Policy Actor –Normative Redux”, CEPS Working Document No.285, February 2008. Centre forEuropean Policy Studies, 1.115 For analyses of the African case see John Karefa-Smart, “Africa and the UnitedNations”, International Organization, 19, No.3 (1965) The United Nations:Accomplishments and Prospects (Summer, 1965); and David. A. Kay, “The Impact ofAfrican States on the United Nations” International Organization, 23, No.1 (1969). For ananalysis of Afro-Asian voting patterns in the UNGA on the Hungarian Question, seeSamir N. Anabtawi, “The Afro-Asian States and the Hungarian Question”, InternationalOrganization (Autumn 1963).66