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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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Mbeki. In a condition <strong>of</strong> flux, with state institutions still being formed, M<strong>and</strong>ela wasin no position to allocate resources to foreign policy projects <strong>of</strong> whatever type.Moral st<strong>and</strong>s were by then not as costly as they would later become, with theexception <strong>of</strong> the Nigeria debacle which indeed proved politically costly, <strong>and</strong> foreignpolicy itself was still characterised by uncertainty <strong>and</strong> the personal magnetism <strong>and</strong>impact <strong>of</strong> M<strong>and</strong>ela. 3925.4. Influence as a function <strong>of</strong> institutional freedom <strong>and</strong> legitimating powerMeasuring the ANC’s influence on foreign policy outcomes is facilitated by ananalytical division between various points <strong>of</strong> contact between the Party <strong>and</strong> thepolicy process. These include,a. party diplomacy;b. the personal or presidential diplomacy <strong>of</strong> Mbeki, <strong>and</strong> other key individuals;c. the party policy-making process; <strong>and</strong>,d. State Institutions: The Department <strong>of</strong> Foreign Affairs <strong>and</strong> Parliament.Influence over foreign policy implies that foreign policy would change from anexpected starting point, after interventions by the party structure or leadership. Theproposed starting point is the classical realist prediction <strong>of</strong> international expansionfollowing growth in national power evident during Mbeki’s terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong>fice (1999-2008). Each <strong>of</strong> the aforementioned analytical categories will be discussed in turn.a. Party diplomacyWhile diplomacy is considered to be “negotiations between political entities whichacknowledge each other’s independence”, 393 this level <strong>of</strong> the ANC’s internationalrelations merits attention. The primary reason for this is that the by now wellknown‘symbiotic’ relations between political <strong>and</strong> business figures in South Africaleave the democratic system open to exploitation by less-than-savoury transnationalinterests, <strong>and</strong> pose the potential for undue influence <strong>of</strong> the country’s foreign policyin ways that benefit the party, to the detriment <strong>of</strong> state interests. This reality also392 See Chris L<strong>and</strong>sberg, The Quiet Diplomacy <strong>of</strong> Liberation: International Politics <strong>and</strong>South Africa’s Transition (Cape Town: Jacana Press, 2004): 159-160.393 Adam Watson, cited in Christer Jönsson, “Chapter 11: Diplomacy, Bargaining <strong>and</strong>Negotiation”, in H<strong>and</strong>book <strong>of</strong> International Relations, eds., Walter Carlsnaes, ThomasRisse <strong>and</strong> Beth A Simmons (<strong>London</strong>: Sage, 2002): 217.167

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