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and socialisation practices, as well as to its relative isolation from other ministriesand non-state actors. This aura of conservatism is underlined by a perceived respectfor tradition, and an esprit de corps engendered by the diplomatic lifestyle and its steeprequirements for entry.Fontaine described Itamaraty as follows:It is nationalist, but more pragmatic than romantic. It is oriented toward Europeand not America. It emphasizes preservation of good relations with old friends, butnot at the expense of making new ones. It entails a desire for a larger Brazilian roleon the world scene, but it does not exaggerate the nation’s present prospects forworld power. 290Itamaraty has indeed been a force for continuity in Brazilian foreign policy. Inrecent years, however, its autonomy and dominance over the foreign policy process– though never beyond question – have come under increasing pressure. While theForeign Ministry’s influence has tended historically to wax and wane, depending onthe personalities holding power in government, and in the institution, respectively, ithas been noted that with the increasing demands on diplomacy brought byglobalisation, Itamaraty has found it challenging to keep up. Already in 1976, oncemilitary ‘decompression’, or a moderate form of liberalisation, had been set in trainby the government of Ernesto Geisel, ‘the foreign service [found] itself…becomingless important, not more important, at a time when foreign affairs [was] reallybeginning to matter for Brazil’. 291 This loss of importance was attributed to theincreasing mismatch between Brazil’s international economic goals, and itsinadequate diplomatic capacity in this area. 292 Itamaraty was not equipped to engagein the complex economic negotiations Brazil required to diversify its economicrelations at the end of the 1970s, when the phenomenal growth from earlier in thedecade was beginning to slow.This trend was strengthened in the early 1990s, under the leadership of FernandoHenrique Cardoso, who presided over an increasing internationalisation of theBrazilian economy, and therewith the diversification of Itamaraty’s role ininternational trade issues. Cardoso oversaw the inclusion of “new voices” in290 Fontaine, cited in Schneider, Brazil, 67.291 Schneider, Brazil, 95.292 Ibid.130
consultative councils, as well as the strengthening of the Chamber of InternationalCommerce (Câmara de Comércio Exterior, CAMEX), which was not linked to theMRE, but to the Ministry of Development, Industry, and Foreign Trade (MDIC). 293The process was reversed, however, early in Lula’s tenure. Under pressure fromdomestic constituencies (primarily within PT) to take a tougher stand on theprospects for Brazil’s negotiation of the FTAA, Lula re-instated the leading role ofMRE in trade policy and negotiations. According to Mario Marconini, formerBrazilian Foreign Trade Secretary (1999) “By doing so, the President expected toend whatever power struggle might be occurring within the government whilemaking clear to society who called the shots on the FTAA and related tradematters”. 294 It would appear that for Lula, the task of maintaining a hold on thecourse of negotiations would have been easier to achieve by bringing it under theprimary influence of MRE. Stemming from this decision, Brazil was represented intop-level international trade negotiations by the Foreign Minister, Celso Amorim.In areas other than international economics and trade, Itamaraty has had to share itsworkload. Some of the ministries concerned include: MDIC, the Ministry ofAgriculture, Livestock and Supply (MAPA), as well as the Ministries of theEnvironment and Agrarian Development. Specifically, the Environment Ministrytook the lead in formulating Brazil’s position in Copenhagen for the COP-15summit in 2009, while the Agrarian Development Ministry has shaped Brazil’sproposals on family farming in global trade negotiations. 295In the past, Itamaraty has tended to act as a balancer in Brazilian foreign policyacross a number of issues. Hudson notes Itamaraty’s role when in 1995 Brazil’seconomic sector, led by the Department of Planning, decided to impose quotas onimported vehicles. Aware of the potential negative consequences for Brazil’spartners in the Southern Common Market, or Mercado Comum do Sul(MERCOSUL), Itamaraty intervened and lighter measures for MERCOSUL293 Jeffrey W Cason and Timothy J. Power, “Presidentialization, Pluralization, and theRollback of Itamaraty: Explaining Change in Brazilian Foreign Policy Making in theCardoso-Lula Era”, International Political Science Review, 30, No.2 (2009): 121.294 Mario Marconini, “Trade Policy-Making Process in Brazil”, paper prepared for the“Trade Policy-Making” Project (2005), accessed online at:http://www6.miami.edu/hemispheric-policy/LSEWorkshopTradePolicy250505.pdf, on 30July 2010.295 PT, A Política Externa do Governo Lula.131
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To my parents, Christopher and Vali
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSNothing that preced
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LIST OF SIGNIFICANT ACRONYMS AND AB
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PTRDPSACPSADCSPLMSWAPOUNCTADUNMIHUN
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Chapter 7 The New Internationalists
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Chapter 1: Introduction1.1. Context
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overwhelmingly, yet not completely,
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Hence, shifts in the international
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antipathy of the IR literature to a
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frowned upon by developed and devel
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identify cases - and these were num
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politics and political lobbying. Th
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This is followed by the presentatio
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emerging powers Brazil, Russia, Ind
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decades. More a collection of works
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exercised more frequently, where th
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The role of left-leaning political
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outcomes? Which instruments have th
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percent. 56 In South Africa, Blacks
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Brazil, because in engaging in this
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which domestic institutional arrang
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Chapter 2: Internationalism in the
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potentially providing indications o
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and most important, that these two
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According to Goldmann, internationa
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granted that states will always hav
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transformation in the anarchical in
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2.2.3 Post-Cold WarThe immediate af
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emains a rallying cry in contempora
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their stress on peaceful settlement
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epresentation; and peaceful mechani
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experienced international marginali
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colonial state. 136 The commitment
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dominant nations which may hope to
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domestic welfare arrangements and f
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Page 88 and 89: As noted by Taliaferro, however, ne
Page 90 and 91: Systemic Constraints :AnarchyRelati
Page 92 and 93: Neorealism’s emphasis on the syst
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Page 96 and 97: individuals - located at the “int
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Page 100 and 101: nature of interim or transitional g
Page 102 and 103: The neoclassical realist framework
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Page 106 and 107: practicable and analytically releva
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Page 110 and 111: These incipient foreign policy prin
Page 112 and 113: each province, consisting of 10 del
Page 114 and 115: While this figure is small in globa
Page 116 and 117: mercantilist’, 238 or ‘revoluti
Page 118 and 119: The party’s commitment to the pro
Page 120 and 121: 2. Strengthening of South-South Co-
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Page 124 and 125: slavery. Even Brazil’s participat
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Page 128 and 129: The Presidency makes foreign policy
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Page 134 and 135: President Lula’s second and last
Page 136 and 137: 4.2.3. International OutlookBrazil
Page 138 and 139: linguistic distinction from its Spa
Page 140 and 141: welfare measures. The party’s rel
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Page 144 and 145: missions and disaster relief. Yet,
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Page 148 and 149: electoral system. The following sec
Page 150 and 151: identity changed as the challenges
Page 152 and 153: to the United States, with the atte
Page 154 and 155: eforms undertaken in the mid-1980s.
Page 156 and 157: ecognised as the ‘sole legitimate
Page 158 and 159: whole world. ANC solidarity was not
Page 160 and 161: 1994, 370 placing tangible limits o
Page 162 and 163: The organisation’s main shortcomi
Page 164 and 165: Much of Mandela’s tenure as Presi
Page 166 and 167: with more wealthy donors in the Glo
Page 168 and 169: complicates the task of separating
Page 170 and 171: Thabo Mbeki was frequently lampoone
Page 172 and 173: the social-democratic Reconstructio
Page 174 and 175: At the helm of DFA were two individ
Page 176 and 177: policy. One, which is less signific
Page 178 and 179: Globally, the United States and its
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South Africa under Mbeki had decide
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his support for Mugabe against the
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on Participation in International P
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(FOCAC) Conference in November. The
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Mbeki’s last full year in office,
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190
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international norms and regimes. 45
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of Brazil. In this discussion, Braz
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This period came to an end during t
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This dilemma - the choice between c
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on so-called ‘cultural diplomacy
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exchange rate movements and the cap
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and conflict resolution under the W
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Brazil’s military capabilities ar
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shifts in its approach to Brazil’
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een required of PT as a party of th
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A number of scholars are agreed tha
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leader…espousing a populist polit
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foreign policy document, it was the
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election campaign, a rarity for a f
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alumni, have been the subject of mu
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6.5. Criticism from other political
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- the 2001 attacks on the United St
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Middle East, but they also appeared
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limitations on its capacities for w
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São Tomé and Principe, Ethiopia a
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emphasised the principle of non-int
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US$180 bn, compared to US$85 bn the
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underscored by increased military s
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country enjoyed, and by the apparen
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Chapter 7: The New Internationalist
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from their repeatedly-stated commit
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On this occasion the force was able
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Instead, France and the US were mor
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and groups in their efforts to prom
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to the leader of the Parliamentary
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Aristide’s birthday, our people w
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7.4. Brazil’s strategy on Haiti:
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taken by two branches of the armed
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esolutions). 664 A primary example
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However, Haiti was not merely a hum
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to share its experiences of securin
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giving near-automatic assent to the
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• Universalism, and• Internatio
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A prominent official discourse on t
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so this was an issue area that was
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Part III: Thematic Discussion and C
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Chapter 8: Neoclassical Realism, In
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policymaking elites of these states
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commitments have a substantial impa
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The resulting statement that the fi
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In South Africa, the intervening va
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liberation movement, has assumed mo
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South Africa expanded its engagemen
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more pragmatic, without losing sigh
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at the unit-level, where the state
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falls short of capturing the full g
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a political or material nature, in
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It is also plausible to expect that
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national capabilities and therewith
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300
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Appendix 1: Brazilian Presidents si
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1910: Formation of the Union of Sou
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2004: ANC wins landslide election v
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1960: Jânio Quadro is elected pres
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Renan Calheiros, speaker of the Sen
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31 May 2004: Jean-Bertrand Aristide
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SeptemberOctoberNovemberDecemberMap
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OctoberNovemberDecember11: South Af
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JuneJuly23: South Africa participat
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OctoberNovemberreadiness for South
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FebruaryMarchSouth Africa establish
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June 2006, legislative andmunicipal
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FebruaryKuwaiti deputy premier visi
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Appendix 6: Selected Brazilian Inte
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agreement proposed by theUSA to gra
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in Iran.2004JanuaryLula visits Indi
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Brazil is successful in its cottond
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Brazil opens Consulates-General in
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and MINUSTAH authorities.OctoberNov
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Maythe installation ofEMPBRAPA’s
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Honduras and Nicaragua withthe Inte
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NovemberLula requests Minister Amor
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AprilMayJuneJulyand the Palestinian
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REFERENCESList of InterviewsBrazilL
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______, Sally Morphet and Marco Ant
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______. 2004. “Aristide arrives i
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______, Jacqueline Anne. 2003. “C
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Connors, Michael E. Connors. 2005.
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contributors). 1986. How Foreign Po
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Glenn, John. 2009. “Realism versu
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Hirst, Monica. 2009. “South Ameri
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Jönsson, Christer. 2002. “Chapte
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Lipton, Merle. 2009. “Understandi
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______. 2004. “State of the Natio
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International Studies Convention, L
Page 372 and 373:
Pfister, Roger. 2003. “Gateway to
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Samuels, David. 2004. “From Socia
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______. 2003. “Culture(s) of the
Page 378 and 379:
UOL Notícias. 2009. “Celso Amori
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World Bank. 2009. Gross Domestic Pr
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