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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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individuals - located at the “intersection <strong>of</strong> domestic <strong>and</strong> international politicalsystems, <strong>and</strong> can act internationally for domestic reasons or domestically forinternational ends”. 191As argued by Jennifer Sterling-Folker, conflict groups (that are generally the basis <strong>of</strong>realism’s ontology <strong>of</strong> international relations) cohere around shared conceptions <strong>of</strong>identity, <strong>and</strong> not mere pr<strong>of</strong>it. 192 Therefore, there is more to a coalition’s foreignpolicy perspective than opportunities for economic loss <strong>and</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>it. It is alsopossible to include notions <strong>of</strong> solidarity <strong>and</strong> identity. 193 These two coalitions couldvery well be engaged in deeper struggles in the process <strong>of</strong> national group identityformation. This process, as Sterling-Folker argues, is “intimately linked into internalsubgroup competitions for state control, …”. 194 What is more, these subgroupcompetitions for control <strong>of</strong> the state <strong>and</strong> its outward posture involve decisionsabout resource allocations. These questions become all the more pertinent in growingdeveloping countries with problems <strong>of</strong> wealth distribution <strong>and</strong> overall socioeconomicdevelopment.Party influence is, <strong>of</strong> course, also determined by the nature <strong>of</strong> the given party itself,<strong>and</strong> the relations <strong>of</strong> accountability <strong>and</strong> cohesion within its ranks. Governing partieshave frequently to forge coalitions with outside partners, with whom they have tomake concessions, although they also depend on the support <strong>of</strong> allies who sharetheir ideological convictions. As governing parties, they face both domestic <strong>and</strong>external challenges to their rule. The degree <strong>of</strong> salience they ascribe to each arenawill likely determine their foreign policy outlook.The analysis <strong>of</strong> governing parties, their ideologies <strong>and</strong> leadership, as well as theextent <strong>of</strong> the influence they are able to exert on foreign policy, are valuable in an191 Lobell, “Threat Assessment”, 56.192 Sterling-Folker, Jennifer, “Chapter 4: Neoclassical realism <strong>and</strong> identity: peril despitepr<strong>of</strong>it across the Taiwan Strait”, in Neoclassical Realism, the State <strong>and</strong> Foreign Policy.Eds., Lobell, Steven E., Norrin M. Ripsman <strong>and</strong> Jeffrey W. Taliaferro (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2009).193 The notions <strong>of</strong> ‘identity’ <strong>and</strong> ‘solidarity’ appear alien to a realist framework. Numeroustheorists have called for greater dialogue between theorists <strong>of</strong> identity (mainly in theConstructivist approach to IR) <strong>and</strong> realism. See J. Samuel Barkin, “RealistConstructivism”, International Studies Review, 5, Issue 3 (2003), <strong>and</strong> a forum inresponse to this article, “Bridging the Gap: Toward A Realist-Constructivist Dialogue”, inISR, 6, Issue 2.194 Sterling-Folker, “Peril despite pr<strong>of</strong>it”, 115.96

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