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their stress on peaceful settlement, negotiations, and conciliation between the twosuperpowers; their hostility to alliances; their professed reliance on moral suasion and theforce of world public opinion instead of physical coercion ... They play the role ofmodifying some of the decisions of the great powers by affecting their expectations in thecompetition which involves the small countries. It is in this manner that these minor statesmay be said to be influential. 116These states were able to mobilise on major issues of significance to them, includingdecolonisation and the South Africa issue. NAM was joined by the Group of 77(G77), formed at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development(UNCTAD) in 1964.Bandung entrenched the principles of non-interference and respect for sovereignty, at leastin theory, in the relations of the developing world. The southern internationalism itengendered was further underscored by ‘(a)n almost physical feeling of solidarityand shared humiliation’. 117 It had domestic resonance, too. Amrith has shown how,in the case of Singapore, internationalism created a space where the highly racialisedpublic sphere could be transcended – thereby potentially, at least rhetorically,undercutting its negative effects. More recently, it may be argued thatinternationalist discourses in the Global South serve a domestic inclusionaryfunction once more. While liberal economics has been accepted as a nationaldevelopment course in the face of decades of unsuccessful populist economics onthe part of ruling parties in selected states of the Third World, Marxist outlooks onthe international economic, social and political environments are parlayed into atranscontinental ‘Southern’ internationalism, potentially uniting government elitesand grassroots activists in opposition to northern neoliberal economics, 118 to thebenefit of governing parties (this will be discussed further in the case study chapters,Chapters 5 and 6).116 Anabtawi, “The Afro-Asian States”, 900.117 Sunil Amrith, “Asian internationalism: Bandung’s echo in a colonial metropolis”, Inter-Asia cultural studies, 6: Issue 4 (2005): 558.118It would be erroneous, however, uncritically to liken mass transnational mobilisationsagainst globalisation (of the types seen at Seattle in 1999 and Genoa in 2001, and thevarious World Social Forums) with state-led internationalism in the Global South, assuggested by some commentators (See Lawler, “The Good State”, 439-440). While bothsuffer the shortcoming of lacking the sanction of the ‘voiceless’ to be their ‘voice’, theyare representative of vastly different interests and international objectives. While theyhave achieved some success in tandem, as in the international campaign to banlandmines (ICBL), they remain divided on various issues, such as land redistribution,and in some cases, environmental policy.67