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electoral system. The following section examines Nelson M<strong>and</strong>ela’s foreign policylegacy as a backdrop to the foreign policy approach <strong>of</strong> Thabo Mbeki. Next, usingthe categories <strong>of</strong> ‘institutional freedom’ <strong>and</strong> ‘legitimating capacity’, the ANC’scapacity for influencing foreign policy is measured. Finally, in the section ‘ResourceMobilisation <strong>and</strong> Extraction Under Mbeki’, Mbeki’s foreign policy trajectory isexamined in terms <strong>of</strong> shifts in state power. ‘State power’ has previously beendescribed as “the relative ability <strong>of</strong> the state to extract or mobilize resources fromdomestic society as determined by the institutions <strong>of</strong> the state, as well as bynationalism <strong>and</strong> ideology”. 335The key claim made in this chapter is that while the African National Congressengendered great expectation by way <strong>of</strong> its liberation movement history, <strong>and</strong> thewide support it had garnered worldwide in the struggle against apartheid, it was onlyable to implement a foreign policy <strong>of</strong> measured ambivalence <strong>and</strong> restraint, given thenature <strong>of</strong> the highly unequal, <strong>and</strong> still divided, society it came to govern, in additionto its own capacity limits <strong>and</strong> the limited resources <strong>of</strong> the state.5.1. South Africa: A ‘structural’ internationalist?In a contribution to an edited volume on the early years <strong>of</strong> the presidency <strong>of</strong> ThaboMbeki, Hein Marais cautions against a rush to ‘periodise’ the post-apartheid era.This is attributable to the importance <strong>of</strong> the ‘vector…<strong>of</strong> macroeconomic policy’ inthe transformation, <strong>and</strong> this has not changed much at all. 336 This observationprompts the broader reflection that South Africa’s foreign policy posture under ademocratic dispensation should not be too readily divorced from historical trends inforeign policy <strong>and</strong> orientation, apartheid’s worst decades <strong>of</strong> 1950-1980notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing. This is because South Africa’s material position in the regionaldivision <strong>of</strong> labour has not changed significantly in the last century. The country isstill the strongest economy in the region, <strong>and</strong> one <strong>of</strong> the most attractive destinationsfor foreign investment 337 as well as a major consumer <strong>of</strong> immigrant labour. Yet, in335 Taliaferro, “State Building for Future Wars”, 467. See also Chapter 3 <strong>of</strong> current work.336 Hein Marais, “The Logic <strong>of</strong> Expediency: Post-apartheid shifts in macroeconomicpolicy”, in Thabo Mbeki’s World: The Politics <strong>and</strong> Ideology <strong>of</strong> the South AfricanPresident, eds., Sean Jacobs <strong>and</strong> Richard Call<strong>and</strong> (Cape Town: Zed Books, 2003): 84.337 In 2009, South Africa was the third-largest recipient <strong>of</strong> FDI in Africa, with US$ 5.7b,behind Angola (US$13.1b) <strong>and</strong> Egypt (US$6.7b). African Economic Outlook. “FDI148

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