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India, China <strong>and</strong> South Africa. Their approaches to issues as diverse as climatechange, humanitarian intervention <strong>and</strong> technology transfer, have been tinged byhistorical ‘anti-imperialism’, acting in t<strong>and</strong>em with exp<strong>and</strong>ed global economic reach<strong>and</strong> reliance on multilateral institutions to broaden their diplomatic scope. At thesame time, the internationalism <strong>of</strong> the Western democracies has come underincreasing pressure in recent years, employed as it has been, in the service <strong>of</strong> militaryinterventions in among others, Kosovo, <strong>and</strong> recently, Libya.Clarifying the concept <strong>of</strong> internationalism in foreign policy has importantimplications for a number <strong>of</strong> areas: theoretically, there is no in-depth exploration <strong>of</strong>internationalism in the foreign policies <strong>of</strong> developing countries, with most <strong>of</strong> theresearch having been conducted on the internationalist foreign policies <strong>of</strong> the‘classical’ like-minded middle power states, namely, the Nordic countries, along withCanada <strong>and</strong> Holl<strong>and</strong>. 70 While the link between domestic social-democracy <strong>and</strong>internationalism has been more or less firmly established in these cases 71 , thesestudies do not shed light on the motivations <strong>of</strong> less wealthy polities forinternationalist foreign policies. In addition, there is little research being conductedon the intellectual influences on, <strong>and</strong> contributions made by, foreign policymakingin the developing world. Foreign policymaking in the former third world is largelyseen either as a knee-jerk reaction to the environment occupied by the state inquestion, or as a concession to ideology. That is to say, it is brushed aside either asthe performance <strong>of</strong> survival <strong>and</strong> realpolitik, or as empty ideology. For policypurposes, studying the foreign policies <strong>of</strong> these countries – now referred to as‘emerging powers’ - provides a better underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> their motivations, as well as70 Cranford Pratt, ed., Middle Power Internationalism: The North-South Dimension(Quebec: McGill-Queens University Press, 1990); Cranford Pratt, ed., InternationalismUnder Strain: The North-South policies <strong>of</strong> Canada, the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s, Norway, <strong>and</strong>Sweden (Toronto: University <strong>of</strong> Toronto, 1989); Olav Stokke, ed., Western MiddlePowers <strong>and</strong> Global Poverty: The determinants <strong>of</strong> the aid policies <strong>of</strong> Canada, Denmark,the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s, Norway <strong>and</strong> Sweden (Uppsala: Sc<strong>and</strong>inavian Institute <strong>of</strong> AfricanStudies, 1989). These volumes were all outcomes <strong>of</strong> the same research project, TheWestern Middle Powers <strong>and</strong> the Global Poverty Project, established in the early 1980s.71 See David Black, 1992. “Australian, Canadian <strong>and</strong> Swedish Policies Toward SouthernAfrica: A comparative study <strong>of</strong> ‘Middle Power Internationalism’”. Unpublished PhDThesis: Dalhousie University; Mikko Kuisma, “Social Democratic Internationalism <strong>and</strong>the Welfare State After the “Golden Age””, Cooperation <strong>and</strong> Conflict, 42, No.1 (2007);Annika Bergman, “Co-Constitution <strong>of</strong> Domestic <strong>and</strong> International Welfare Obligations:The Case <strong>of</strong> Sweden’s Social Democratically Inspired Internationalism”, Cooperation<strong>and</strong> Conflict, 42, No.1 (2007).52

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