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along with forms <strong>of</strong> external intervention; as well as a choice on their respectivestances on the promotion <strong>of</strong> democracy <strong>and</strong> non-interference.While the crisis in Haiti has been referenced frequently in terms <strong>of</strong> its domesticdimensions, the aspects <strong>of</strong> relevance to International Relations have seldom beenhighlighted, 608 <strong>and</strong> this will form part <strong>of</strong> the contribution <strong>of</strong> this chapter. It isimportant to note that the MINUSTAH mission, due to the novelty <strong>of</strong> its m<strong>and</strong>ate(relating to multidisciplinary or ‘second-generation’ peacekeeping) <strong>and</strong> thecircumstances under which it was approved <strong>and</strong> deployed, has been contested fromthe start, <strong>and</strong> the subject <strong>of</strong> polemical debate in the peacekeeping <strong>and</strong> internationalhuman rights literature. 609 The focus <strong>of</strong> this chapter is the foreign policy formulationdimension <strong>of</strong> specifically the involvement <strong>of</strong> South Africa <strong>and</strong> Brazil, 610 as twostates seeking to portray an internationalist posture in their foreign relations.The present chapter revolves around the crisis wrought by the deposing <strong>of</strong> thedemocratically-elected government <strong>of</strong> Jean-Bertr<strong>and</strong> Aristide in 2004, <strong>and</strong> itsinternational implications. This crisis had been at least a decade in the making. Itultimately saw two very different modes <strong>of</strong> Southern engagement deployed. SouthAfrica displayed solidarity with Jean-Bertr<strong>and</strong> Aristide, first through the attendance<strong>of</strong> the bicentennial celebrations <strong>of</strong> the Haitian Revolution by President ThaboMbeki, <strong>and</strong> second, by <strong>of</strong>fering exile to Aristide upon his ouster in 2004. Brazilassumed the leadership <strong>of</strong> the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti(MINUSTAH), relaxing longst<strong>and</strong>ing terms <strong>of</strong> its engagement in UN missions inorder to lead the mission.This case is selected for a number <strong>of</strong> reasons. It represented a turning point in theforeign policies <strong>of</strong> both South Africa <strong>and</strong> Brazil, under Mbeki <strong>and</strong> Lula, respectively.For both countries, it was a decided turn away – though not an isolated instance -608 For an exception, see von Einsiedel <strong>and</strong> Malone, “Peace <strong>and</strong> Democracy for Haiti?”.609 See Matt Halling <strong>and</strong> Blaine Bookey, “Peacekeeping in Name Alone: Accountabilityfor the United Nations in Haiti”, Hastings International <strong>and</strong> Comparative Law Review,461 (2008): 461-486; Jennifer Peirce, “Protection for Whom? Stabilization <strong>and</strong> CoerciveRule in Haiti”, Paterson Review, 8 (2007); Todd Howl<strong>and</strong>, “Peacekeeping <strong>and</strong>Conformity with Human Rights Law: How MINUSTAH Falls Short in Haiti”, InternationalPeacekeeping, 13, No. 4 (2006): 462-476.610 Nineteen states have contributed troops to the MINUSTAH mission under theleadership <strong>of</strong> Brazil. Fifty-one states have contributed police personnel. See MINUSTAHwebsite.241

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