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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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perceived as a gradual dilution <strong>of</strong> the ‘moral significance’ <strong>of</strong> national boundaries, orthe claims that individuals <strong>of</strong> one state can make against all states.These post-Cold War shifts in internationalism, marked less by laissez-faire, than by amuscular interventionism, have signalled the onset <strong>of</strong> a crisis in classical liberalinternationalism. The distinctive Nordic internationalism <strong>of</strong> the Cold War periodhas begun to diminish <strong>and</strong> diverge in the company <strong>of</strong> more numerous, moreaggressive, Western internationalisms. 104 Academic discussion <strong>and</strong> the policy <strong>of</strong>internationalism after the Cold War has been animated by debates on interventionistforeign policies conducted by the US <strong>and</strong> Britain. 105 These policies have, in turn,formed part <strong>of</strong> political cosmopolitan debates about the proper boundaries <strong>of</strong>ethical action, <strong>and</strong> the boundaries <strong>of</strong> the state’s responsibility. Internationalism hasalso been associated with terms such as ‘progressive foreign policy’ <strong>and</strong> ‘ethicalforeign policy’. The present work maintains the link <strong>of</strong> this literature with the state’sprominent role in internationalism, <strong>and</strong> its preoccupation with if <strong>and</strong> how the statecan realise, nationally <strong>and</strong> internationally, concepts <strong>of</strong> the global good (for themoment taken as given). This trend is noted in recent work on the internationalistforeign policies <strong>of</strong> the Nordic countries, analysing the domestic dem<strong>and</strong>s for thisforeign policy stance, <strong>and</strong> to what uses it has been put. 106 This research isnecessarily comparative <strong>and</strong> brings into focus the close relationship betweendomestic politics <strong>and</strong> foreign policy. Bergman has developed an apparently strongcontention linking domestic levels <strong>of</strong> welfare provision with internationalcommitments to welfare in the Nordic countries. 107 This approach focuses onadvanced industrialised economies <strong>and</strong> cannot account for the ways in whichdeveloping countries fashion their accounts <strong>of</strong> internationalism. Little has beenwritten on the internationalism <strong>of</strong> the developing world, the ideas that gave rise tosolidarity, <strong>and</strong> how they are implemented; 108 yet, third world internationalism104 Peter Lawler, “Janus-Faced Solidarity: Danish Internationalism Reconsidered”,Cooperation <strong>and</strong> Conflict, 42, Issue 1 (2007).105 Lawler, “Janus-Faced Solidarity”,102. See also Tony Blair’s speech in Chicago, 1999on ‘The Doctrine <strong>of</strong> the International Community’, accessed online athttp://www.number10.gov.uk/output/Page1297.asp, on 12 January 2008.106 See Peter Lawler, “The Good State: in praise <strong>of</strong> ‘classical’ internationalism”, Review<strong>of</strong> International Studies, 31 (2005) <strong>and</strong> Bergman, “The Concept <strong>of</strong> Solidarity”.107 Bergman, “The Concept <strong>of</strong> Solidarity”.108 For an exception <strong>and</strong> race-based account, see Darryl C. Thomas, The Theory <strong>and</strong>Practice <strong>of</strong> Third World Solidarity (Westport: Praeger, 2001).64

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