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dominant nations which may hope to exercise control over a unified world”. 140 Theclaim that ‘we are not just for ourselves, we are ‘international’’ could easily be usedas justification for expansion, or some other forms <strong>of</strong> material benefit.“’International order’ <strong>and</strong> ‘international solidarity’”, noted Carr, “will always beslogans <strong>of</strong> those who feel strong enough to impose them on others.” 141Of equal significance here are the post-structuralist critiques questioning liberalcosmopolitanism’s ‘homogenising universalism’ <strong>and</strong> ‘linear progressivism’. 142Through its commitment theoretically, or in practice, or both, to the sovereignindependence <strong>of</strong> other states, <strong>and</strong> the principle <strong>of</strong> non-interference in the domesticaffairs <strong>of</strong> others, internationalism as it emerged in the developing world, while itmay be a victim <strong>of</strong> numerous others, does not fall prey to these weaknesses. AsLawler has suggested, ‘classical internationalism’, undertaken by states, could be thesought-after middle ground between idealistic cosmopolitanism <strong>and</strong> flagrantinterventionism as seen in Iraq in 2003.The form <strong>of</strong> solidarity that is hailed to defend the supra-national interests <strong>of</strong> largedeveloping countries is most <strong>of</strong>ten limited to the shared humanity <strong>of</strong> the immediateregion, or continent – or at a stretch, impoverished people worldwide. Thecommitment to equality <strong>of</strong> all people <strong>and</strong> to democratising multilateral institutions,as well as bringing about equitable international economic arrangements is born <strong>of</strong>this conviction. In recent years, these convictions have come up squarely against thesettled norms <strong>of</strong> the Western international order, as this order has come underincreasing threat from diverse cultural approaches <strong>and</strong> interpretations <strong>of</strong>international order; <strong>and</strong>, indeed, from the manner in which it has been defended bypowerful Western states, too (mainly in the form <strong>of</strong> military interventions). Notunlike a number <strong>of</strong> other developing <strong>and</strong> formerly ‘non-aligned’ governments, forexample,many in Brazil <strong>and</strong> in particular many who later were associated with the Lulagovernment suspected that the liberal norms <strong>of</strong> the 1990s concerning human140 EH Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis. With a new introduction by Michael Cox,(Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001/1981): 79.141 Ibid., 80.142 Lawler, “The Good State”, 95.75

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