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engaging in ‘megaphone’ diplomacy. This in itself, Mugabe’s continuing disastrousrule notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing, may be considered a measure <strong>of</strong> success in an otherwisecheerless effort, considering that any more strident measures might have hadaltogether more disastrous consequences. 397 ANC also maintains links withnumerous other former liberation movements in Africa <strong>and</strong> abroad, that potentiallyinfluence the direction <strong>of</strong> South African foreign policy. Examples <strong>of</strong> this include itslinks with MPLA (Angola), FRELIMO (Mozambique), SWAPO (Namibia) <strong>and</strong>even the SPLM in Sudan. The Party’s historical links with ZANU-PF’s liberationerarival, ZAPU, have been partially blamed for Mbeki’s failure to win the respect<strong>and</strong> cooperation <strong>of</strong> Mugabe during his facilitation <strong>of</strong> a resolution to the Zimbabwecrisis.b. Personal <strong>and</strong> presidential diplomacyNelson M<strong>and</strong>ela’s renown as a statesman <strong>of</strong> global acclaim lent itself to personaldiplomacy to such an extent that he was able single-h<strong>and</strong>edly to spearhead DFA’smediation in the extradition <strong>of</strong> the Lockerbie bombers from Libya for trial atScottish courts in The Hague. 398 The institutional obstacles encountered by theDepartment <strong>of</strong> Foreign Affairs during the transition to democracy <strong>and</strong> afterward,lent M<strong>and</strong>ela the ability to act independently in implementing South Africa’s foreignpolicy. While for his part, Mbeki attempted to rely more on multilateralism, thecentralisation <strong>of</strong> foreign policy formulation in the presidential <strong>of</strong>fice afforded SouthAfrica’s second democratically-elected president a central role in this process.According to one observation, “The presidency, the primary locus <strong>of</strong> policy, hasbeen entrenched through formal institutionalisation <strong>and</strong> a marginalisation <strong>of</strong> partyinterests, so that it now sets not only foreign-policy goals, but is the sole architect <strong>of</strong>an overarching foreign-policy vision”. 399 This is not to be confused with the role <strong>of</strong>the party, as it is widely noted that Mbeki effected a gradual distance betweenhimself <strong>and</strong> the party in the making <strong>of</strong> public policy. This distance becameincreasingly apparent in the disjuncture between the ANC <strong>and</strong> Mbeki on importantforeign policy issues, such as Zimbabwe, for example.397 For the debate on the merits <strong>of</strong> South Africa’s ‘quiet diplomacy’ approach, see JamesHammill <strong>and</strong> John H<strong>of</strong>fman, “‘Quiet Diplomacy’ or Appeasement? South African Policytowards Zimbabwe”, The Round Table, 98, Issue 402 (2009).398 See Lyn Boyd-Judson, “Strategic Moral Diplomacy: M<strong>and</strong>ela, Qaddafi, <strong>and</strong> theLockerbie Negotiations”, Foreign Policy Analysis, 1, Issue 1 (2005).399 Alden <strong>and</strong> Le Pere, “South Africa’s Post-Apartheid Foreign Policy”, 72.169

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