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foreign policy document, it was the first Brazilian political party to include the goalof regional integration in its political agenda. 540Measuring PT’s influence on foreign policy outcomes is facilitated by an analyticaldivision between various points of contact between the Party and the policyprocess. These include,a. party diplomacy;b. the personal or presidential diplomacy of Lula, and other key individuals;c. the party policy-making process; and,d. Congress.Each of these will be discussed in turn.a. Party diplomacyThere is barely any scholarly consideration of the international policy of PT. 541 Yet,PT has maintained a concern with the international dimensions of its domesticstruggle since at least the establishment of its Secretariat for International Affairs in1984. The Party was deeply involved in providing solidarity and material support toanti-dictatorship struggles throughout Central and South America and theCaribbean during this decade 542 . This ‘party diplomacy’ is made possible by a seriesof “privileged links and alliances between the progressive and leftist movementswhich were formerly in the opposition [in Latin America]”. 543 PT has been involvedin party-level diplomacy in a number of ways. It maintains a network of relations atthe regional level with other political parties, social movements, intellectuals andinstitutions in an effort to pluralise the regional integration process. 544 Importantinitiatives in this regard are the Foro de São Paulo, the World Social Forum (WSF),and the Hemispheric Social Alliance.540 Secretaria de Relações Internacionais, “The Workers’ Party (PT) international policy”,Text submitted for debate and decision of the IV Congress of the Workers’ Party inFebruary 2010.541 One exception is the aforementioned text by Almeida, “A política internacional dopartido dos trabalhadores”. The following analysis draws upon this work to some extent.542 PT. “The Workers’ Party International Policy”, 6.543 Almeida, “Regional and Global Strategies”, 173.544 PT, “The Workers’ Party International Policy”, 10.216
Foro de São Paulo’s establishment was sponsored by PT in 1990, around the sametime that PT’s international profile was on the ascendant due to Lula’s strongshowing in the 1989 Presidential election. This was a difficult period for politicalparties of the left in Latin America, owing to the adoption of neoliberal economicpolicies by many governments of the region. In addition, socialism faced a globalcrisis initiated by the fall of the Soviet Union. 545 The forum is a gathering of leftist,progressive, and popular political parties and other organizations from LatinAmerica. It has come under fire from Brazilian critics because of the membershipof Colombia’s guerilla movement, FARC.PT was indirectly instrumental in the establishment of the WSF. Although the Partydoes not formally belong to the Organizing Committee of the Forum, “[i]tsimportance stems from the fact that many of the key civil society organisationsinvolved in the process are somehow related to or sympathetic towards it, and thatit control[led] the hosting city and state governments” at the time of the inauguralmeeting. 546The Hemispheric Social Alliance, meanwhile, was a network of “trade unions,NGOs and social movements”, spanning North and South America, that formed in1997 to oppose corporate agendas in the negotiations for the FTAA initiated in1994 in Miami. 547 According to PT, “[the Alliance] strives to foster exchange andconsensus-building regarding the design of an in-solidarity regional integrationproject”. 548Domestically, PT militants (militantes), as party members are referred to, have beeninstrumental in the organisation of unofficial referendums on major internationalquestions, such as Brazil’s position on its foreign debt obligations when Lula cameto power in 2002; as well as whether or not negotiations for the FTAA shouldproceed, also in 2002. In fact, the FTAA was a significant theme in Lula’s 2002545 Valter Pomar cited in Agência Brasil. 2010. “Secretário-geral diz que Foro de SãoPaulo é espaço apenas para debates”, in Correio Braziliense, 20 August 2010546 Teivo Teivainen, “The World Social Forum and global democratisation: learning fromPorto Alegre”,Third World Quarterly, 23, No.4 (2002): 625.547 See Marcelo I. Saguier, “The Hemispheric Social Alliance and the Free Trade Area ofthe Americas Process: The Challenges and Opportunities of Transnational Coalitionsagainst Neo-Liberalism”, Globalizations, 4, No.2 (2007): 252, 256.548 PT. “The Workers’ Party International Policy”, 10.217
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To my parents, Christopher and Vali
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSNothing that preced
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LIST OF SIGNIFICANT ACRONYMS AND AB
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PTRDPSACPSADCSPLMSWAPOUNCTADUNMIHUN
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Chapter 7 The New Internationalists
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Chapter 1: Introduction1.1. Context
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overwhelmingly, yet not completely,
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Hence, shifts in the international
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antipathy of the IR literature to a
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frowned upon by developed and devel
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identify cases - and these were num
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politics and political lobbying. Th
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This is followed by the presentatio
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emerging powers Brazil, Russia, Ind
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decades. More a collection of works
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exercised more frequently, where th
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The role of left-leaning political
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outcomes? Which instruments have th
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percent. 56 In South Africa, Blacks
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Brazil, because in engaging in this
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which domestic institutional arrang
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Chapter 2: Internationalism in the
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potentially providing indications o
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and most important, that these two
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According to Goldmann, internationa
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granted that states will always hav
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transformation in the anarchical in
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2.2.3 Post-Cold WarThe immediate af
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emains a rallying cry in contempora
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their stress on peaceful settlement
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epresentation; and peaceful mechani
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experienced international marginali
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colonial state. 136 The commitment
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dominant nations which may hope to
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domestic welfare arrangements and f
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foreign policy. The latter include
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adjust to shifts in their internati
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to seemingly altruistic or ‘ethic
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ethics may underpin the same foreig
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As noted by Taliaferro, however, ne
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Systemic Constraints :AnarchyRelati
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Neorealism’s emphasis on the syst
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the executive (i.e. Lead ministries
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individuals - located at the “int
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argument, and rational cost-benefit
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nature of interim or transitional g
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The neoclassical realist framework
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104
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practicable and analytically releva
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(CUT), the main trade union confede
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These incipient foreign policy prin
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each province, consisting of 10 del
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While this figure is small in globa
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mercantilist’, 238 or ‘revoluti
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The party’s commitment to the pro
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2. Strengthening of South-South Co-
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Some of South Africa’s accomplish
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slavery. Even Brazil’s participat
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that was seen to be experiencing a
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The Presidency makes foreign policy
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and socialisation practices, as wel
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members were negotiated. 296 Recent
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President Lula’s second and last
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4.2.3. International OutlookBrazil
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linguistic distinction from its Spa
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welfare measures. The party’s rel
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142
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missions and disaster relief. Yet,
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international orientation. Most of
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electoral system. The following sec
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identity changed as the challenges
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to the United States, with the atte
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eforms undertaken in the mid-1980s.
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ecognised as the ‘sole legitimate
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whole world. ANC solidarity was not
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1994, 370 placing tangible limits o
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The organisation’s main shortcomi
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Much of Mandela’s tenure as Presi
Page 166 and 167: with more wealthy donors in the Glo
Page 168 and 169: complicates the task of separating
Page 170 and 171: Thabo Mbeki was frequently lampoone
Page 172 and 173: the social-democratic Reconstructio
Page 174 and 175: At the helm of DFA were two individ
Page 176 and 177: policy. One, which is less signific
Page 178 and 179: Globally, the United States and its
Page 180 and 181: South Africa under Mbeki had decide
Page 182 and 183: his support for Mugabe against the
Page 184 and 185: on Participation in International P
Page 186 and 187: (FOCAC) Conference in November. The
Page 188 and 189: Mbeki’s last full year in office,
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Page 192 and 193: international norms and regimes. 45
Page 194 and 195: of Brazil. In this discussion, Braz
Page 196 and 197: This period came to an end during t
Page 198 and 199: This dilemma - the choice between c
Page 200 and 201: on so-called ‘cultural diplomacy
Page 202 and 203: exchange rate movements and the cap
Page 204 and 205: and conflict resolution under the W
Page 206 and 207: Brazil’s military capabilities ar
Page 208 and 209: shifts in its approach to Brazil’
Page 210 and 211: een required of PT as a party of th
Page 212 and 213: A number of scholars are agreed tha
Page 214 and 215: leader…espousing a populist polit
Page 218 and 219: election campaign, a rarity for a f
Page 220 and 221: alumni, have been the subject of mu
Page 222 and 223: 6.5. Criticism from other political
Page 224 and 225: - the 2001 attacks on the United St
Page 226 and 227: Middle East, but they also appeared
Page 228 and 229: limitations on its capacities for w
Page 230 and 231: São Tomé and Principe, Ethiopia a
Page 232 and 233: emphasised the principle of non-int
Page 234 and 235: US$180 bn, compared to US$85 bn the
Page 236 and 237: underscored by increased military s
Page 238 and 239: country enjoyed, and by the apparen
Page 240 and 241: Chapter 7: The New Internationalist
Page 242 and 243: from their repeatedly-stated commit
Page 244 and 245: On this occasion the force was able
Page 246 and 247: Instead, France and the US were mor
Page 248 and 249: and groups in their efforts to prom
Page 250 and 251: to the leader of the Parliamentary
Page 252 and 253: Aristide’s birthday, our people w
Page 254 and 255: 7.4. Brazil’s strategy on Haiti:
Page 256 and 257: taken by two branches of the armed
Page 258 and 259: esolutions). 664 A primary example
Page 260 and 261: However, Haiti was not merely a hum
Page 262 and 263: to share its experiences of securin
Page 264 and 265: giving near-automatic assent to the
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• Universalism, and• Internatio
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A prominent official discourse on t
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so this was an issue area that was
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Part III: Thematic Discussion and C
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Chapter 8: Neoclassical Realism, In
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policymaking elites of these states
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commitments have a substantial impa
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The resulting statement that the fi
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In South Africa, the intervening va
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liberation movement, has assumed mo
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South Africa expanded its engagemen
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more pragmatic, without losing sigh
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at the unit-level, where the state
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falls short of capturing the full g
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a political or material nature, in
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It is also plausible to expect that
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national capabilities and therewith
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300
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Appendix 1: Brazilian Presidents si
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1910: Formation of the Union of Sou
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2004: ANC wins landslide election v
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1960: Jânio Quadro is elected pres
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Renan Calheiros, speaker of the Sen
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31 May 2004: Jean-Bertrand Aristide
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SeptemberOctoberNovemberDecemberMap
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OctoberNovemberDecember11: South Af
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JuneJuly23: South Africa participat
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OctoberNovemberreadiness for South
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FebruaryMarchSouth Africa establish
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June 2006, legislative andmunicipal
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FebruaryKuwaiti deputy premier visi
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Appendix 6: Selected Brazilian Inte
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agreement proposed by theUSA to gra
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in Iran.2004JanuaryLula visits Indi
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Brazil is successful in its cottond
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Brazil opens Consulates-General in
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and MINUSTAH authorities.OctoberNov
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Maythe installation ofEMPBRAPA’s
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Honduras and Nicaragua withthe Inte
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NovemberLula requests Minister Amor
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AprilMayJuneJulyand the Palestinian
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REFERENCESList of InterviewsBrazilL
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______, Sally Morphet and Marco Ant
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______. 2004. “Aristide arrives i
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______, Jacqueline Anne. 2003. “C
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Connors, Michael E. Connors. 2005.
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contributors). 1986. How Foreign Po
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Glenn, John. 2009. “Realism versu
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Hirst, Monica. 2009. “South Ameri
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Jönsson, Christer. 2002. “Chapte
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Lipton, Merle. 2009. “Understandi
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______. 2004. “State of the Natio
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International Studies Convention, L
Page 372 and 373:
Pfister, Roger. 2003. “Gateway to
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Samuels, David. 2004. “From Socia
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______. 2003. “Culture(s) of the
Page 378 and 379:
UOL Notícias. 2009. “Celso Amori
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World Bank. 2009. Gross Domestic Pr
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