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more pragmatic, without losing sight of its core constituency on the left, thedispossessed and voiceless poor. Because of Brazil’s socio-economic challenges,PT’s legitimating power on foreign policy questions that required the allocation offinancial resources was intricately linked to the party’s domestic successes andfailures.However, PT’s internationalism is not a concession to purely its constituencies ofthe left. This is for a number of reasons: institutional, ideological and sociological.Institutionally, PT is such a ‘broad church’, comprising the recognition of varioustendencias, that there is perhaps not such a monolithic ‘left’ identity of the partyaround which it coheres, and to which it feels accountable. Ideologically,internationalism has not formed a fulcrum of PT’s left credentials. The internationalsphere is not an arena of salient importance for the party’s performance. This islinked to the last point: international relations have not been an issue of particularelectoral importance in Brazil, although this situation is slowly changing. This meansthat foreign policy decisions have a very small constituency, comprised of theexport industries and Brazilian investors in overseas markets, along with the ‘foreignpolicy community’ of diplomats, academics, the media, and non-governmentalorganisations.Brazil has selected a ‘strategy of emergence’ that entails the employment ofmultilateralism, multipolarity, and the search for membership of key clubs andgroupings. Also, “(b)y opting for continued market liberalism in 2003, Lula mayhave “saved Brazil for capitalism”…, but this does not mean Brazil has become aneasy or accommodating partner” 706 . Ultimately, the fact that Brazil has becomemore ensconced in the global capitalist system has not led to a dilution ofnationalism. To the contrary, it has sharpened the Brazilian foreign policymakingelite’s search for international autonomy.Has the ‘swing to the left’ palpably changed Brazil’s foreign policy? It would beexcessive to argue that it has. Brazil has maintained many of the hallmarks offoreign policy for which it was esteemed prior to the Lula administration, and hasundoubtedly raised its international profile since PT’s accession to power in 2003.706 Hurrell, “Brazil and the New Global Order”, 62-3.288