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Brazil under Cardoso thus required a low-cost means <strong>of</strong> defending its nationalinterests; this meant that it could not accept large costs for the provision <strong>of</strong> regionalor global goods, such as institutionalising MERCOSUL. 496 During Cardoso’s term,external threats to Brazil were minimal, <strong>and</strong> the primary policy issue for theBrazilian government was the task <strong>of</strong> stabilising the domestic economy. Thisentailed considerable limits on Brazil’s foreign policy, including only mutedopposition to increasing US unilateralism by the end <strong>of</strong> Cardoso’s presidency in2002. 497 Nonetheless, Brazil grew increasingly obdurate in the FTAA negotiations,citing differences with the US on intellectual property rights, <strong>and</strong> access to USmarkets in steel <strong>and</strong> farm produce. 498A number <strong>of</strong> factors combined to ease Brazil’s external environment underCardoso. While the US was less able to exert influence on South American affairs,having its h<strong>and</strong>s full with the North American Free Trade Association (NAFTA)<strong>and</strong> Haiti, 499 Brazil was slowly emerging as a regional hegemon, as it managed tobreak away from decades <strong>of</strong> parity with Argentina, owing to the latter’s economicwoes. Rapprochement with Argentina was a primary factor in Brazil’s continentalrise. Lesser regional actors, while exp<strong>and</strong>ing their capabilities, were highlyconstrained by incomplete political transitions <strong>and</strong> rampant poverty. Two furtherfactors in the regional balance <strong>of</strong> power were the increasing prominence <strong>of</strong>geostrategic issues, such as control <strong>of</strong> certain ocean passes, <strong>and</strong> the incipientinvolvement <strong>of</strong> external powers, 500 such as China. As noted by Morris as early as1989 in his discussion <strong>of</strong> the geostrategic significance <strong>of</strong> the Straits <strong>of</strong> Magellan,496 Under Cardoso, for example, the military expenditure as a percentage <strong>of</strong> GDPremained steady, <strong>and</strong> at a level highly approved <strong>of</strong> by the military (1.8% throughout histenure). This policy is attributed to Cardoso’s desire to avoid the slightest conflict withthe military in order to pursue his economic stabilisation without let or hindrance. SeeJoão R Martins Filho <strong>and</strong> Daniel Zirker, “The Brazilian Military under Cardoso:Overcoming the Identity Crisis”, Journal <strong>of</strong> Interamerican Studies <strong>and</strong> World Affairs, 42,No.3 (Autumn 2000): 144.497 This did not preclude Cardoso’s pronouncement in mid-2002 that Bush was still “in alearning stage” on the subject <strong>of</strong> foreign policy in Latin America. See Tony Smith, “Bushlooks Cardoso in the eye on free trade, but Brazil st<strong>and</strong>s firm”, in Associated PressWorldstream, March 31, 2001.498 Ibid.499 See , Robert A. Pastor, “The Clinton Administration <strong>and</strong> the Americas: The PostwarRhythm <strong>and</strong> Blues”, Journal <strong>of</strong> Interamerican Studies <strong>and</strong> World Affairs, 38, No.4(Winter 1996): 99-128, especially 108.500 Michael A. Morris, The Strait <strong>of</strong> Magellan (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijh<strong>of</strong>f Publishers,1989):192.205

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