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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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Thabo Mbeki was frequently lampooned in the press for being a ‘foreign policypresident’ or ‘absentee president’, <strong>and</strong> indeed was widely seen as being more adeptat dealing with foreign affairs than with domestic issues. While this criticism was<strong>of</strong>ten justified, it missed a valuable point about Mbeki. In the aftermath <strong>of</strong> theM<strong>and</strong>ela presidency, <strong>and</strong> the deep affective <strong>and</strong> ideological resources M<strong>and</strong>ela hadaccess to, Mbeki succeeded in articulating a broad, <strong>and</strong> possibly more sustainable,vision for South African foreign policy, <strong>and</strong> much <strong>of</strong> his early presidency was spentpublicising, <strong>and</strong> cultivating support for, this vision. The merits <strong>of</strong> his ideas, as wellas those <strong>of</strong> his approach, along with their personal <strong>and</strong> institutional underpinnings,have been debated at length, 400 but these ideas contributed substantially to theformation <strong>of</strong> a distinct South African state identity. Mbeki’s personal <strong>and</strong>presidential diplomacy were infused with the ideas <strong>of</strong> race, African nationalism, <strong>and</strong>what some have termed “racial nativism”, “an idea that the true custodians <strong>of</strong>African culture are the natives”. 401 These ideas coloured key decisionmakers’ views<strong>of</strong> South Africa <strong>and</strong> its place in the world.Mbeki’s ideas about Africa’s insertion as an active player in international affairs,which gave rise to his African Renaissance project, have also been linked to themore imprecise idea <strong>of</strong> personal, national <strong>and</strong> continental ‘self-determination’. 402The African Renaissance had three aims: to prove Africans’ ability to governdemocratically; to assert the value <strong>of</strong> African-ness; <strong>and</strong>, to restore African agency tothe decisions over its destiny, for example in the resolution <strong>of</strong> conflicts (‘Africansolutions to African problems’) <strong>and</strong> in the cultivation <strong>of</strong> the economic conditionsfor prosperity.These notions informed the implementation <strong>of</strong> foreign policy at the departmentallevel, as Dr Manelisi Genge, Head <strong>of</strong> the Policy, Research <strong>and</strong> Analysis Unit in theDepartment from 2002 to 2008, affirmed. He noted that under Mbeki ‘colonialism’400 See, for example, Xolela Mangcu, To the Brink: The State <strong>of</strong> Democracy in SouthAfrica (Scottsville: University <strong>of</strong> Kwa-Zulu-Natal Press, 2008); Sean Jacobs <strong>and</strong> RichardCall<strong>and</strong>, eds., Thabo Mbeki’s World: The Politics <strong>and</strong> Ideology <strong>of</strong> the South AfricanPresident (Cape Town: Zed Books, 2003); William Gumede, Thabo Mbeki <strong>and</strong> the Battlefor the Soul <strong>of</strong> the ANC (Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2007).401 Mangcu, To the Brink, 2.402 Mark Gevisser, Thabo Mbeki: The Dream Deferred (Cape Town: Jonathan Ball,2007).170

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