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Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

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Intervening variable (X 1 ): The ruling party <strong>and</strong> its legitimating ideologies, along with theextent <strong>of</strong> its freedom <strong>of</strong> action in formulating foreign policy. This includes anaccount <strong>of</strong> the interaction between the ruling party, the legislature, the executive <strong>and</strong>the foreign policy bureaucracy in forging broad lines <strong>of</strong> foreign policy strategy.These interactions are analysed through the lenses <strong>of</strong> two categories: institutionalfreedom <strong>and</strong> legitimating capacity.The causal factor <strong>of</strong> special theoretical interest is the role <strong>of</strong> the ruling party, giventhat it provides the head <strong>of</strong> state, <strong>and</strong> numerous other foreign policy functionaries,as well as the overall legitimating national discourses. If the governing party is foundto be theoretically significant then this means that greater care should be taken, inplotting the trajectory <strong>of</strong> future rising states, <strong>of</strong> the ideologies <strong>and</strong> values espousedby the ruling party <strong>of</strong> a state, rather than its leader exclusively. Neoclassical realismpredicts that states would seek to address an imbalance <strong>of</strong> power, but that theywould possess differing abilities to do so, <strong>and</strong> various constraints on their action.The claim is posited here that the governing party is key to mobilising <strong>and</strong>extracting these abilities.South Africa <strong>and</strong> Brazil each represent a ‘tough’ test <strong>of</strong> the neoclassical realistapproach, because each state occupies a relatively peaceful environment, <strong>and</strong> theUnited States, a historical ‘<strong>of</strong>fshore balancer’ in both the Southern African <strong>and</strong>South American regions, has been largely absent from both during the period underconsideration. Each state may thus have been expected to exp<strong>and</strong> their reach <strong>and</strong>seek to fill power vacuums in their regions. That neither state has selectedaggressive expansion – as might be predicted by neorealism – is explained bydomestic factors, such as prevailing ideologies <strong>and</strong> party politics, in addition tosystemic factors <strong>and</strong> power balances.Thus, where governing parties domestically face opposition or the threat <strong>of</strong>opposition, they are less likely to engage in international activism. State powerrequires a stable social base for its projection abroad.39

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