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importance <strong>of</strong> this group <strong>of</strong> states, whether as a ‘social movement’ withinthe Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), or as a narrower grouping, theOrganisation <strong>of</strong> Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) cartel, which hadheld the global economy to ransom in the 1970s. Nonetheless, a number <strong>of</strong>studies have since emerged, considering the gamut <strong>of</strong> peripheral polities ininternational relations <strong>and</strong> their foreign policymaking. By no means anextensive literature, besides selected volumes examining ‘Third World’foreign policy 19 , it does include categories such as ‘revolutionary foreignpolicy’ 20 , the foreign policy <strong>of</strong> ‘modernizing states’, as well as the foreignpolicy <strong>of</strong> ‘new states’. 21• A third puzzle to be addressed is the role <strong>of</strong> domestic actors other than the state inthe formation <strong>of</strong> foreign policy, even in the most centralised <strong>of</strong> foreignpolicymaking environments. Why do states similarly placed in internationalpolitics choose different paths to power? This question calls for an opening<strong>of</strong> the ‘black box’ <strong>of</strong> foreign policymaking: the domestic environment. Thelast two decades <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century saw two notable movements <strong>of</strong>the Left come to power in Brazil <strong>and</strong> South Africa, after many years <strong>of</strong>domestic <strong>and</strong> international political activism. Were they able to exert thesame type <strong>of</strong> menacing presence to Northern (especially American) interestsso feared <strong>of</strong> Castro <strong>and</strong> other leftist leaders for most <strong>of</strong> the twentiethcentury? If not, why not? Does the domestic political l<strong>and</strong>scape, <strong>and</strong> thedaily struggles that animate it, bear any resonance for the internationalrelations <strong>of</strong> states?• The fourth puzzle is that <strong>of</strong> intermediate states <strong>and</strong> ‘emergence’ as a great power inthe current international order. An underlying assumption <strong>of</strong> the thesis is thechanged ‘social’ environment in which contemporary states operate, inwhich the rules <strong>of</strong> great power have changed since the end <strong>of</strong> the Cold War.While the development <strong>of</strong> nuclear capabilities was almost universally19 Stephanie G.Neumann, ed., International relations theory <strong>and</strong> the Third World(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998); Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner, ed., Theforeign policies <strong>of</strong> the Global South: rethinking conceptual frameworks (Boulder,Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003).20 Stephen Chan <strong>and</strong> Andrew J. Williams, eds., Renegade States: The evolution <strong>of</strong>revolutionary foreign policy (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994).21 Peter Calvert, The Foreign Policies <strong>of</strong> New States (Brighton: Wheatsheaf, 1988).25

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