Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

election campaign, a rarity for a foreign policy issue in Brazilian politics, with theparty committed to Brazil’s withdrawal from the negotiations should it enter power.Other international goals were evident during the campaign:PT’s discourse also included the need for Brazil to diversify its bilateral relationswith large countries and regional powers, clearly with counter-hegemonic ends inmind, and the sense of strengthening multilateralism in the economic, political andstrategic-military arenas. 549b. Party individuals in key postsIn a far less documented fashion, moreover, PT – more in the person of Lula daSilva, than by any overarching party machinery – has managed to steer Brazil’sesteemed Foreign Ministry in its preferred direction. With the appointment ofsympathetic individuals to key posts, such as Celso Amorim as Minister of ExternalRelations, and Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães as Secretary-General of Itamaraty 550 ,Lula ensured that his vision for Brazilian foreign policy would be in safe hands.Guimarães, a career diplomat of 40 years by the time of his appointment as topadministrator in Itamaraty has been described as a throwback to another era. As anuncharacteristically outspoken diplomat, he held some strong views during histenure as Secretary-General of Itamaraty, from 2003 to 2009. According to Brazil’sVeja magazine, he “hates the idea of FTAA, detests globalisation, doesn’t likeeconomic liberalisation, and believes in imperialism…”. 551 He is also described asbeing a ‘militant defender of the Third World’. However, Guimarães’ role has beenlikened more to ‘executor’ than ‘formulator’ 552 of foreign policy, when comparedwith those of his then-superior, Celso Amorim, and Marco Aurélio Garcia, foreignaffairs advisor in the presidency. Another individual whose name is mentioned aspart of the President’s close foreign policy circle is José Dirceu, 553 who was Lula’sformer Chief of Staff and resigned following the mensalão scandal 554 of 2005. In549 Amâncio Jorge Oliveira, “O governo do PT e a Alca: política externa e pragmatismo”,Estudos Avançados,17, Issue 48, (2003): 319.550 Guimarães had previously been dismissed under Cardoso as president of theInstitute for the Research of International Relations (IPRI) of the Foreign Ministry, underpressure from the US, for his views on the FTAA.551 Veja online. 2003. “Um diplomata alternativo”, in Veja on-line, 22 October 2003,accessed online at: http://veja.abril.com.br/221003/p_040.html, on 15 July 2010.552 Ibid.553 Almeida, Paulo Roberto. 2010. Email correspondence with author.554 The mensalão scandal took place in 2005. It involved the alleged payment, with theknowledge of senior PT party figures, of governing coalition members in the Chamber ofDeputies, in order to persuade them to vote for legislation proposed by PT. The scandalcame close to threatening Lula’s re-election in the 2006 presidential election.218
spite of his resignation, Dirceu retains a prominent role in Brazilian politics. He wasa key member of Lula’s centrist Articulação faction in PT.Foreign Minister Amorim had previously served in the post during the ItamarFranco administration, from May 1993 to December 1994. Already during thisperiod, observers noted that elements of política externa independente returned. Also,Mercosul came to be seen more as a balance to the US in the Southern Cone, ratheran instrument for international insertion, as it had previously been seen. 555 Amorimis highly-regarded for his role in spearheading Brazil’s multilateral negotiatingposition in the WTO, which saw higher levels of confrontation with the US and theEU over the content of the Doha Development Round. The Minister openlydeclared his affiliation with PT in September 2009. 556Operating beyond Amorim and the confines of Itamaraty, in the President’s Officewas Marco Aurélio Garcia. The significance of Garcia’s position as PresidentialInternational Relations Advisor is that he has frequently played an ambassadorialrole on behalf of the President, but has not faced the requirement of approval byCongress, which is the fate of all potential Brazilian ambassadors. Garcia has beencredited with conducting some of Brazil’s key diplomatic endeavours in SouthAmerica on behalf of the President, but beyond the limits of traditional diplomacy.A key example of this was his despatch to Venezuela in the midst of the politicalcrisis in that country in March 2002, even before Lula’s inauguration as President.This was an initiative that, unsurprisingly, stoked the ire of experienceddiplomats. 557The sociological aspect of these relations is highlighted by Giancarlo Summa, aclose observer of PT in Brazil. 558 Summa sketches the picture of ‘leftist’ movementsin South America, and the nature of relations between leading figures. These closenetworks, he argues, which were scarcely written about when they concerned thespread of the ‘neoliberal’ orthodoxy in the 1990s between Harvard and Chicago555 Vigevani and Cepaluni. Changing Times, x.556 UOL Notícias. 2009. “Celso Amorim filia-se ao PT, afirma presidente do partido”. 30September, 2009. Accessed online at:http://noticias.uol.com.br/politica/2009/09/30/ult5773u2621.jhtm on 6 September, 2011.557 Veja-online. 2003. “Brazilians, go home?”, 22 January, 2003. Edition 1, 786.Accessed online at: http://veja.abril.com.br/220103/p_068.html on 29 July, 2010.558 Interview, Giancarlo Summa, Rio de Janeiro, July 2010.219
Page 2:
To my parents, Christopher and Vali
Page 7 and 8:
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSNothing that preced
Page 10 and 11:
LIST OF SIGNIFICANT ACRONYMS AND AB
Page 12 and 13:
PTRDPSACPSADCSPLMSWAPOUNCTADUNMIHUN
Page 14:
Chapter 7 The New Internationalists
Page 18 and 19:
Chapter 1: Introduction1.1. Context
Page 20 and 21:
overwhelmingly, yet not completely,
Page 22 and 23:
Hence, shifts in the international
Page 24 and 25:
antipathy of the IR literature to a
Page 26 and 27:
frowned upon by developed and devel
Page 28 and 29:
identify cases - and these were num
Page 30 and 31:
politics and political lobbying. Th
Page 32 and 33:
This is followed by the presentatio
Page 34 and 35:
emerging powers Brazil, Russia, Ind
Page 36 and 37:
decades. More a collection of works
Page 38 and 39:
exercised more frequently, where th
Page 40 and 41:
The role of left-leaning political
Page 42 and 43:
outcomes? Which instruments have th
Page 44 and 45:
percent. 56 In South Africa, Blacks
Page 46 and 47:
Brazil, because in engaging in this
Page 48 and 49:
which domestic institutional arrang
Page 51 and 52:
Chapter 2: Internationalism in the
Page 53 and 54:
potentially providing indications o
Page 55 and 56:
and most important, that these two
Page 57 and 58:
According to Goldmann, internationa
Page 59 and 60:
granted that states will always hav
Page 61 and 62:
transformation in the anarchical in
Page 63 and 64:
2.2.3 Post-Cold WarThe immediate af
Page 65 and 66:
emains a rallying cry in contempora
Page 67 and 68:
their stress on peaceful settlement
Page 69 and 70:
epresentation; and peaceful mechani
Page 71 and 72:
experienced international marginali
Page 73 and 74:
colonial state. 136 The commitment
Page 75 and 76:
dominant nations which may hope to
Page 77:
domestic welfare arrangements and f
Page 80 and 81:
foreign policy. The latter include
Page 82 and 83:
adjust to shifts in their internati
Page 84 and 85:
to seemingly altruistic or ‘ethic
Page 86 and 87:
ethics may underpin the same foreig
Page 88 and 89:
As noted by Taliaferro, however, ne
Page 90 and 91:
Systemic Constraints :AnarchyRelati
Page 92 and 93:
Neorealism’s emphasis on the syst
Page 94 and 95:
the executive (i.e. Lead ministries
Page 96 and 97:
individuals - located at the “int
Page 98 and 99:
argument, and rational cost-benefit
Page 100 and 101:
nature of interim or transitional g
Page 102 and 103:
The neoclassical realist framework
Page 104 and 105:
104
Page 106 and 107:
practicable and analytically releva
Page 108 and 109:
(CUT), the main trade union confede
Page 110 and 111:
These incipient foreign policy prin
Page 112 and 113:
each province, consisting of 10 del
Page 114 and 115:
While this figure is small in globa
Page 116 and 117:
mercantilist’, 238 or ‘revoluti
Page 118 and 119:
The party’s commitment to the pro
Page 120 and 121:
2. Strengthening of South-South Co-
Page 122 and 123:
Some of South Africa’s accomplish
Page 124 and 125:
slavery. Even Brazil’s participat
Page 126 and 127:
that was seen to be experiencing a
Page 128 and 129:
The Presidency makes foreign policy
Page 130 and 131:
and socialisation practices, as wel
Page 132 and 133:
members were negotiated. 296 Recent
Page 134 and 135:
President Lula’s second and last
Page 136 and 137:
4.2.3. International OutlookBrazil
Page 138 and 139:
linguistic distinction from its Spa
Page 140 and 141:
welfare measures. The party’s rel
Page 142 and 143:
142
Page 144 and 145:
missions and disaster relief. Yet,
Page 146 and 147:
international orientation. Most of
Page 148 and 149:
electoral system. The following sec
Page 150 and 151:
identity changed as the challenges
Page 152 and 153:
to the United States, with the atte
Page 154 and 155:
eforms undertaken in the mid-1980s.
Page 156 and 157:
ecognised as the ‘sole legitimate
Page 158 and 159:
whole world. ANC solidarity was not
Page 160 and 161:
1994, 370 placing tangible limits o
Page 162 and 163:
The organisation’s main shortcomi
Page 164 and 165:
Much of Mandela’s tenure as Presi
Page 166 and 167:
with more wealthy donors in the Glo
Page 168 and 169: complicates the task of separating
Page 170 and 171: Thabo Mbeki was frequently lampoone
Page 172 and 173: the social-democratic Reconstructio
Page 174 and 175: At the helm of DFA were two individ
Page 176 and 177: policy. One, which is less signific
Page 178 and 179: Globally, the United States and its
Page 180 and 181: South Africa under Mbeki had decide
Page 182 and 183: his support for Mugabe against the
Page 184 and 185: on Participation in International P
Page 186 and 187: (FOCAC) Conference in November. The
Page 188 and 189: Mbeki’s last full year in office,
Page 190 and 191: 190
Page 192 and 193: international norms and regimes. 45
Page 194 and 195: of Brazil. In this discussion, Braz
Page 196 and 197: This period came to an end during t
Page 198 and 199: This dilemma - the choice between c
Page 200 and 201: on so-called ‘cultural diplomacy
Page 202 and 203: exchange rate movements and the cap
Page 204 and 205: and conflict resolution under the W
Page 206 and 207: Brazil’s military capabilities ar
Page 208 and 209: shifts in its approach to Brazil’
Page 210 and 211: een required of PT as a party of th
Page 212 and 213: A number of scholars are agreed tha
Page 214 and 215: leader…espousing a populist polit
Page 216 and 217: foreign policy document, it was the
Page 220 and 221: alumni, have been the subject of mu
Page 222 and 223: 6.5. Criticism from other political
Page 224 and 225: - the 2001 attacks on the United St
Page 226 and 227: Middle East, but they also appeared
Page 228 and 229: limitations on its capacities for w
Page 230 and 231: São Tomé and Principe, Ethiopia a
Page 232 and 233: emphasised the principle of non-int
Page 234 and 235: US$180 bn, compared to US$85 bn the
Page 236 and 237: underscored by increased military s
Page 238 and 239: country enjoyed, and by the apparen
Page 240 and 241: Chapter 7: The New Internationalist
Page 242 and 243: from their repeatedly-stated commit
Page 244 and 245: On this occasion the force was able
Page 246 and 247: Instead, France and the US were mor
Page 248 and 249: and groups in their efforts to prom
Page 250 and 251: to the leader of the Parliamentary
Page 252 and 253: Aristide’s birthday, our people w
Page 254 and 255: 7.4. Brazil’s strategy on Haiti:
Page 256 and 257: taken by two branches of the armed
Page 258 and 259: esolutions). 664 A primary example
Page 260 and 261: However, Haiti was not merely a hum
Page 262 and 263: to share its experiences of securin
Page 264 and 265: giving near-automatic assent to the
Page 266 and 267: • Universalism, and• Internatio
Page 268 and 269:
A prominent official discourse on t
Page 270 and 271:
so this was an issue area that was
Page 272 and 273:
Part III: Thematic Discussion and C
Page 274 and 275:
Chapter 8: Neoclassical Realism, In
Page 276 and 277:
policymaking elites of these states
Page 278 and 279:
commitments have a substantial impa
Page 280 and 281:
The resulting statement that the fi
Page 282 and 283:
In South Africa, the intervening va
Page 284 and 285:
liberation movement, has assumed mo
Page 286 and 287:
South Africa expanded its engagemen
Page 288 and 289:
more pragmatic, without losing sigh
Page 290 and 291:
at the unit-level, where the state
Page 292 and 293:
falls short of capturing the full g
Page 294 and 295:
a political or material nature, in
Page 296 and 297:
It is also plausible to expect that
Page 298 and 299:
national capabilities and therewith
Page 300 and 301:
300
Page 302 and 303:
Appendix 1: Brazilian Presidents si
Page 304 and 305:
1910: Formation of the Union of Sou
Page 306 and 307:
2004: ANC wins landslide election v
Page 308 and 309:
1960: Jânio Quadro is elected pres
Page 310 and 311:
Renan Calheiros, speaker of the Sen
Page 312 and 313:
31 May 2004: Jean-Bertrand Aristide
Page 314 and 315:
SeptemberOctoberNovemberDecemberMap
Page 316 and 317:
OctoberNovemberDecember11: South Af
Page 318 and 319:
JuneJuly23: South Africa participat
Page 320 and 321:
OctoberNovemberreadiness for South
Page 322 and 323:
FebruaryMarchSouth Africa establish
Page 324 and 325:
June 2006, legislative andmunicipal
Page 326 and 327:
FebruaryKuwaiti deputy premier visi
Page 328 and 329:
Appendix 6: Selected Brazilian Inte
Page 330 and 331:
agreement proposed by theUSA to gra
Page 332 and 333:
in Iran.2004JanuaryLula visits Indi
Page 334 and 335:
Brazil is successful in its cottond
Page 336 and 337:
Brazil opens Consulates-General in
Page 338 and 339:
and MINUSTAH authorities.OctoberNov
Page 340 and 341:
Maythe installation ofEMPBRAPA’s
Page 342 and 343:
Honduras and Nicaragua withthe Inte
Page 344 and 345:
NovemberLula requests Minister Amor
Page 346 and 347:
AprilMayJuneJulyand the Palestinian
Page 348 and 349:
REFERENCESList of InterviewsBrazilL
Page 350 and 351:
______, Sally Morphet and Marco Ant
Page 352 and 353:
______. 2004. “Aristide arrives i
Page 354 and 355:
______, Jacqueline Anne. 2003. “C
Page 356 and 357:
Connors, Michael E. Connors. 2005.
Page 358 and 359:
contributors). 1986. How Foreign Po
Page 360 and 361:
Glenn, John. 2009. “Realism versu
Page 362 and 363:
Hirst, Monica. 2009. “South Ameri
Page 364 and 365:
Jönsson, Christer. 2002. “Chapte
Page 366 and 367:
Lipton, Merle. 2009. “Understandi
Page 368 and 369:
______. 2004. “State of the Natio
Page 370 and 371:
International Studies Convention, L
Page 372 and 373:
Pfister, Roger. 2003. “Gateway to
Page 374 and 375:
Samuels, David. 2004. “From Socia
Page 376 and 377:
______. 2003. “Culture(s) of the
Page 378 and 379:
UOL Notícias. 2009. “Celso Amori
Page 380:
World Bank. 2009. Gross Domestic Pr
show all

Download - LSE Theses Online - London School of Economics and ...

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?