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Rural Water Supply Corruption in Ethiopia 161<br />

Box 4.7 (continued)<br />

Box Figure 4.7.2 Community Perceptions of Headworks Construction and<br />

Actual Construction Variance<br />

100<br />

percentage of sites<br />

80<br />

60<br />

40<br />

20<br />

0<br />

good acceptable poor or<br />

incompleted<br />

quality of headworks from visible inspection<br />

community perception of overall quality<br />

poor quality moderate quality good quality<br />

Note: “Construction variance” refers to differences between actual and invoiced construction measures.<br />

A general conclusion is that although communities may have strong and<br />

well-informed views on the “nondrilling,” lower-cost elements of borehole construction—particularly<br />

where they have been actively involved in a project—<br />

these views do not provide a robust indicator of corrupt practice in higher-cost<br />

drilling.<br />

giver—bribing officials to gain access to water, or water infrastructure,<br />

that might otherwise go to another village or household. Such community<br />

or household corruption might also include the embezzlement of<br />

funds by committee members in charge of collecting money for an<br />

operation and maintenance (O&M) fund or nepotism in the selection of<br />

committee members to secure kickbacks and bribes.<br />

Evidence from rural development projects and governance assessments,<br />

within and outside the water sector, suggests that this type of petty<br />

corruption can be significant because many small transactions gradually<br />

mount up for a household or village (Plummer 2007). Moreover, broader

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