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Complete Book PDF (4.12MB) - World Bank eLibrary

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220 Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia<br />

prohibition or to set bail even lower, thus giving the defendant a chance<br />

to flee. In a few cases, albeit not recently, the government has rearrested<br />

defendants released on bail and recharged them as they left the courtroom.<br />

Although not constituting corruption, this practice is a clear abuse<br />

of respect for judicial decisions, part of the rule of law.<br />

Court staff and private attorneys. Finally, in criminal cases, the roles of<br />

courtroom staff and the independent bar should be considered. The bar<br />

was not seen as active in any likely corruption in criminal justice, probably<br />

because few defendants have a lawyer. Although courtroom staff once<br />

may have had a critical role (by “losing” files), it is said that the colorcoded<br />

file system (an innovation of the modernization program) has<br />

made this less possible. In table 5.4 above, that item is thus not bolded,<br />

but it might be if other regions were included. One observer did note the<br />

possibility of misplacing cases in the transition from the prosecutor’s<br />

office to the judiciary. The bench representatives admitted this was possible,<br />

but no one else saw it as a major problem. A high-level judge also<br />

noted a problem (in both civil and criminal cases) with court staff “selling”<br />

a decision to the winning party—based on the staff’s foreknowledge<br />

of the outcome. This practice is bolded in table 5.4, but at least at the<br />

federal levels, it appears to be under control.<br />

Thus, in criminal justice, most observers concluded that real or perceived<br />

political intervention was the major source of corruption for the<br />

judiciary. Other types of corruption centered on the police, with its ability<br />

to either advance cases or stop them in their tracks.<br />

Regarding the judiciary, political influence (real or imagined) was<br />

assumed to affect the judgment and any appeals. Many of the judicial<br />

details potentially subject to political intervention (for example, admission<br />

of evidence or decisions on interlocutory motions) were not mentioned;<br />

whether this is because they do not occur or simply because they<br />

are subsumed under the general rubric of presumed political pressure (or<br />

a desire to please political leaders) is unclear.<br />

The police’s role in causing provisional closures for failure to bring<br />

witnesses or defendants to hearings was also cited. Data do indicate such<br />

closures are common, but there is no means of determining how much of<br />

this is a result of corruption as opposed to poor working procedures or<br />

logistical problems.<br />

The Civil Justice Chain<br />

Again, we begin with the relevant section of table 5.1, shown below as<br />

table 5.5, with bolding to indicate where corruption is most likely. As

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