Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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that refers to the medium through which the perception was achieved) as the source of the perception, (ii) verbs of adversity in which the negatively affected entity is the source in juxtaposition to the positively affected entity as the goal, and (iii) verba dicendi in which the object transferred from a possessor at the source to a possessor at the goal is simply the word that the speaker utters. In each case, the *bi-√ prefix indicates that there has been a transfer of possession from a source to a goal, where the object being transferred, at least in grammatical terms, is indefinite. 85
1.8 Ergative possessors and the transfer of possession model The model underlying Pylkkänen’s low source applicative hypothesis is a transfer of possession model, but rather than attempting to describe the model in abstract terms, I would like to return to the Korean example (21) dealt with above, repeated below as (68). (68) totwuk-i Mary-hanthey panci-lul humchi-ess-ta thief-Nom Mary-Dat ring-Acc steal-Past-Plain The thief stole a ring from Mary (and it was in her possession when he stole it) In a transfer of possession model, the direct object of the verb starts out in a raised possessor construction, in which the source or the starting point of the transfer is the raised possessor, Mary-hanthey in (68), and the goal, recipient or endpoint of the transfer is the subject of the sentence, totwuk-i in (68). The possessive relation at the beginning of the event is coded through the use of a raised possessor construction, whereas the possessive relation at the end of the event is part of the lexical meaning, “to steal,” of the main verb: there are, therefore, in a rather special sense of the term, two predicates at work in any particular low source applicative construction, both of which encode a possessive relation of some kind. The Korean example, however, differs from the foregoing Sumerian examples in that the lexical meaning of the vast majority of the verbal roots used to form BNBV inal predicates in Sumerian encode, at most, existence in a location (œal 2, œar, gub) or attachment (du 3, keß 2, te, dab 5, la 2, tag), if even that (dar, gar 3, su 3, *tuk [derived from /œeßtug/ “ear,” not tuku “to possess”], du 3, œar, du 8, kar 2). Where 86
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
Page 51 and 52: BNBV class will be proposed, but in
Page 53 and 54: Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
Page 55 and 56: all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
Page 57 and 58: the two criteria mentioned above, n
Page 59 and 60: Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
Page 61 and 62: this chapter. And, it is, after all
Page 63 and 64: 1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
Page 65 and 66: in the English double object constr
Page 67 and 68: Various theoretical considerations
Page 69 and 70: But Landau then draws a comparison
Page 71 and 72: work of Nichols who describes the d
Page 73 and 74: 1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
Page 75 and 76: (31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
Page 77 and 78: The special characteristic of BNBV
Page 79 and 80: 9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
Page 81 and 82: (40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
Page 83 and 84: (44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
Page 85 and 86: 465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
Page 87 and 88: 15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
Page 89 and 90: 23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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Page 93 and 94: (60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
Page 95 and 96: 199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
Page 97 and 98: 1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
Page 99 and 100: Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
Page 101: Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
Page 105 and 106: sentences in which they occur, but
Page 107 and 108: In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
Page 109 and 110: 2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
Page 111 and 112: aspect” as a rough equivalent to
Page 113 and 114: esultative secondary predicates—i
Page 115 and 116: In (1), factoring out tense as much
Page 117 and 118: separately on the basis of whether
Page 119 and 120: In the three examples in (2), contr
Page 121 and 122: nominal modified by the secondary p
Page 123 and 124: translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
Page 125 and 126: forms are, in some cases at least,
Page 127 and 128: (Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
Page 129 and 130: coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
Page 131 and 132: (16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
Page 133 and 134: (19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
Page 135 and 136: eduplicated stem is followed by the
Page 137 and 138: 2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
Page 139 and 140: 16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
Page 141 and 142: 352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
Page 143 and 144: check on quality or quantity of fie
Page 145 and 146: accomplishment, so as secondary pre
Page 147 and 148: earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
Page 149 and 150: denoting progress also occurs in su
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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