Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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either bear the nominalizing/resultative suffix, *-a, or—in one case at least—are based on an adjectival root. In the remaining cases, ßu appears before a fientive (non-adjectival) root that does not bear the nominalizing/resultative suffix and, at the same time, seems to contribute to the lexical meaning of the compound verb. Only the latter should probably be thought of as true members of the BNBV inal class, while the former adopt a BNBV inal construction for syntactic reasons and should probably be spoken of as derived BNBV inal constructions. 175
2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb construction Up to now, I have concentrated on the semantic properties of the BNBV inal construction, particularly in terms of lexical aspect and certain interactions between lexical and grammatical aspect. Here in the penultimate section of this chapter, I describe the formal or distributional features that code the meanings suggested above. What morphosyntactic means, in other words, are used in Sumerian to code telicity and the phenomena related to it? I argue in the following that the BNBV inal construction is a particular kind of particle- verb construction (familiar from a variety of present-day European languages) and that the *bi-√ prefix is analogous to the particle in a particle verb construction and contributes telicity to the meaning of predicates in which it occurs. It has long been recognized that in English, for example, particles—prepositions that lack a nominal complement—are often used to control the telicity of verbs. (83) He hammered it Ø for three hours / *in three hours. (84) He hammered it out for three hours / in three hours. In these examples, as is standard practice, a temporal adverb can be used to differentiate a telic event from an atelic one: in (83), an atelic verb can only occur with an unbounded temporal adverb, for three hours, whereas the telic verb in (84), which is followed by the particle out, can also occur with a bounded temporal adverb, in three hours. Since Sumerian is strictly verb-final, the possibility of a particle-based system for controlling the telicity of a verb seems out of reach. But recent work on the formation of verbal 176
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
Page 141 and 142: 352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
Page 143 and 144: check on quality or quantity of fie
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Page 149 and 150: denoting progress also occurs in su
Page 151 and 152: verbs are also injunctive forms, an
Page 153 and 154: (42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
Page 155 and 156: The example in (44) was presented i
Page 157 and 158: The last area of lexical aspectual
Page 159 and 160: As an example of the restriction on
Page 161 and 162: followed by *-e (which could be an
Page 163 and 164: (50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
Page 165 and 166: 26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
Page 167 and 168: 167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
Page 169 and 170: context available in these three pa
Page 171 and 172: less clear. Achievements are quite
Page 173 and 174: (61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
Page 175 and 176: 2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
Page 177 and 178: followed by resultative seems to be
Page 179 and 180: In (67), I present the two-part der
Page 181 and 182: internal relative clauses such as t
Page 183 and 184: gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
Page 185 and 186: 248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
Page 187 and 188: Since it is an achievement predicat
Page 189 and 190: 10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
Page 191: (81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
Page 195 and 196: than indicating the location or adv
Page 197 and 198: (90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
Page 199 and 200: object position if the applicative
Page 201 and 202: (98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
Page 203 and 204: constituents, which happens to corr
Page 205 and 206: 2.7 The link between the BNBV const
Page 207 and 208: (103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
Page 209 and 210: 3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
Page 211 and 212: contrastive focus construction with
Page 213 and 214: 3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
Page 215 and 216: The easiest way of differentiating
Page 217 and 218: In the case of an existential sente
Page 219 and 220: verbs of direct perception in Sumer
Page 221 and 222: demonstrative reference, whereas th
Page 223 and 224: 3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
Page 225 and 226: In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
Page 227 and 228: sentence (taking into consideration
Page 229 and 230: similar structures in other languag
Page 231 and 232: of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
Page 233 and 234: emphasize that in all likelihood th
Page 235 and 236: line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
Page 237 and 238: 349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
Page 239 and 240: 182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
Page 241 and 242: The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354:
Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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