Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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4.4 Focus-affected BNBV inal predicates At present, I know of just one example of a focus-affected BNBV inal predicate in line 410 of the Ur Lament. Due to the fact that there is only a single example of the construction, that it is formally anomalous in various ways and that it appears in a composition that was, in all likelihood, composed in the Isin-Larsa period, I cannot exclude that possibility that the postulation of a focus-affected BNBV inal class in the *XP nam bi-√ construction is mistaken. Nonetheless, if the single example is valid to some degree, it is a very interesting example and the following analysis proceeds on the assumption that it represents some stage of Sumerian linguistic reality. The line numbers used here are consistent with ETCSL’s numbering, but Römer’s new edition numbers my line 410 as line 408. (27) Ur Lament [2.2.2], ll. 407-410 (Kramer 1940; Jacobsen 1987, 473; Römer 2004, 82 and 166) [ Topic uœ 3 saœ gi 6.zu] [ Presupposition [ Focus igi. ? nam] bi 2.ib.du 8] As for your black-headed people, it is not YOU WHO SEE them (after the storm has cleared, but rather THEY WHO SEE you, the moon-god, Nanna, in a night sky free of storms) 407. u 4.de 3 u 4 kalam.ma The storm that causes the light of the land to u 2.gu bi 2.ib.de 2.a.re disappear, 291
408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil 2.la 2.ta The evil storm that sweeps through, ordered im.mi.in.zal.la.re in hate by Enlil, 409. a.a d nanna u 4.bi uru 2.zu.ta Father Nanna, may that storm swoop down ki nam ba.œa 2.œa 2 410. uœ 3 saœ gi 6.zu igi. ? 36 nam bi2.ib.du8 292 no more on your city, As for your black-headed people, it is not you who see them, The reconstruction of line 410 used here is in conformity with ETCSL’s presentation, but the evidence in the text-artifactual record is quite slim. Römer’s score transliteration, which I have altered in some typographic details, reads as follows (Römer 2004, 82): (28) Ur Lament [2.2.2], l. 410 (l. 408 in Römer 2004, 82) A V 408 uœ 3 saœ gi 6.zu igi ? .zu ?? nam bi 2.ib.du 8 CC OMITS HH 19 ≠uœ 3±* saœ gi 6.ga.zu igi.bi nam* bi 2.ib.du 8 R 4 IV 14 […] ≠ib± !? .du 8 Da rev. II 9 […] igi.zu nam ≠bi 2.ib !? .du 8± C VI 3 […] ≠bi 2±.ib 2.du 8 S 2 […] ≠gi 6±.zu ≠igi± […] 36 The pronominal agreement marker *-b- in bi2.ib.du 8, like the sequence of similar forms in example (8), seems to indicate future/modal reference, see the discussion following example (8).
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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Page 259 and 260: If we are to pick apart the subtle
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Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
Page 273 and 274: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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Page 293 and 294: 117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Page 301 and 302: (22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
Page 303 and 304: 4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
Page 305 and 306: 11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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Page 317 and 318: (32) María se fué con nada Maria
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Page 325 and 326: (41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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Page 329 and 330: (“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
Page 331 and 332: 5 Possession, animacy and the rise
Page 333 and 334: understood as a single component of
Page 335 and 336: increasingly specific) models of th
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Page 339 and 340: C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
Page 341 and 342: Here in the realm of participial co
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Page 351 and 352: Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354: Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
Page 355 and 356: Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
Page 357 and 358: Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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