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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(26) Gil histakel le-Rina al ha-bayit<br />

PN looked.at to-Rina on the-house<br />

Gil looked at Rina’s house<br />

Various hypotheses, taking examples like (24) as exemplary, have argued that the crucial<br />

matter is affectedness: in (23) and (24), the dative possessor is affected by the event,<br />

whereas in (25), it is not, hence the ungrammaticality of (25). Landau himself argued<br />

otherwise, attributing the ungrammaticality to the fact that the perceiver in (25) is non-<br />

agentive, whereas in (26), it is agentive. Landau does comment, in a footnote, that there is<br />

a small class of “to see” verbs which are grammatical such as the following (Landau<br />

1999, 26, fn. 14; Pylkkänen 2002, 48).<br />

(27) Gil ra’a le-Rina et ha-pupik<br />

PN saw to-Rina Acc the-belly.button<br />

Gil saw Rina’s belly button<br />

Landau attributes the grammaticality of (27) to the fact that ha-pupik “the belly button” is<br />

a part of the body and, in Landau’s view, inalienable; this follows from a fairly common<br />

analysis among generativists, namely that inalienable possessors are generated at [Spec,<br />

NP], whereas alienable possessors are generated at [Spec, DP]; the import of such a<br />

structural description has long been recognized in functionalist circles at least since the<br />

53

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