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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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constituents, which happens to correspond to the sequence of constituents in an English<br />

existential sentence: “there is an eye on the wheat.”<br />

Koopman and Szabolcsi (2000) have argued on the basis of Kayne’s theoretical<br />

program as well as distributional facts in Hungarian, Dutch and German that SOV<br />

complex verbs form through a process known as “rolling-up”: the rightmost constituent<br />

moves to the left edge of the constituent to its left and forms a single constituent with it;<br />

the process is then repeated.<br />

(100) a. bi-√ igi e [gig 1] there eye at [wheat 1]<br />

b. bi-√ igi [[gig 1] e 2] there eye [[wheat 1] at 2]<br />

c. bi-√ [[[gig 1] e 2] igi 3] there [[[wheat 1] at 2] eye 3]<br />

d. [[[[gig 1] e 2] igi 3] *bi-√ 4] [[[[wheat 1] at 2] eye 3] there 4]<br />

In (100), complex verb formation in its simplest form is applied to our paradigmatic<br />

example: gig.e igi bi 2-√. The underlying order appears in (100a), but in (100b), the<br />

rightmost constituent [gig 1] has moved to the left of the constituent to its left, forming a<br />

new compound: [[gig 1] e 2]. This compound then functions as a unit and moves to the left<br />

of [igi 3] to form a three-term complex: [[[gig 1] e 2] igi 3]. Lastly, the complex made up of<br />

three terms moves to the left of [bi-√ 4], yielding the attested form of the construction in<br />

(100d). The interesting thing, at least in my view, about such a derivational process with<br />

respect to BNBV inal predicates is that at the stage represented in (100c), *bi-√ [[[gig 1] e 2]<br />

igi 3], the purely relational, non-referential quality of [. . . igi 3], particularly in that it is<br />

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