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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary, is resumed by the pronoun, she, later on in the<br />

sentence, whereas the focus construction in (2) makes use of a cleft-sentence in which a<br />

dummy pronoun followed by the copula in combination with a distinct intonation of the<br />

word car indicates that it is emphasized within the sentence, possibly in contrast to some<br />

other referent. Needless to say, topic and focus patterns often reconfigure the<br />

grammatical structures in a language quite dramatically.<br />

Once the articulation of topic and focus have been delineated within a language, it<br />

soon becomes apparent that clauses that include an explicit topicalization tend to occur in<br />

a rather different set of textual environments than clauses involving a focalization.<br />

Clearly, a clause that introduces a new topic will often be followed by a number of<br />

subsequent clauses in which the topic plays an important role, even if it is rather quickly<br />

replaced by another referent as topic. Clauses involving focalization are quite different in<br />

that they often occur at points of culmination or transition within, for example, an<br />

unfolding narrative. 2 The problem with attempting to use topic and focus to understand<br />

the tectonics of clause structure in Sumerian is that there are no hard and fast rules: each<br />

literary tradition adopts a limited number of what we might call rhetorical devices, which<br />

are built up out of both syntactic phenomena such as contrastive focus as well as textual<br />

conventions that have no direct syntactic correlation such as rules of elementary<br />

composition, viz. “the first sentence in a paragraph should be the ‘topic sentence’ and<br />

summarize the content of the entire paragraph.” Clearly, as soon as an entirely<br />

typographic phenomenon such as the paragraph is invoked, we are no longer dealing with<br />

2 The expression “points of culmination and transition” can be thought of as analogous to Vanstiphout’s foregrounding<br />

function (see Vanstiphout 1985, 12-13).<br />

12

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