Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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In the following section, I argue that the *bi- prefix is best understood from a syntactic point of view rather than the conventional, “morphological” interpretation of it as an agreement marker. Bearing these considerations in mind, let us turn to the first part of my redescription of the *bi-√ prefix. 45
1.3 BNBV inal as a low source applicative Not only does the BNBV diagnostic, when its use is limited to compound verbs in which the bare noun is an inalienable part of the body (BNBV inal), identify a distinct syntactic class, but it also identifies a semantic field that includes verbs of perception as well as verbs that signify privation or loss with respect to an argument that represents the object of perception or the participant who is adversely affected. The natural counterpart of an argument that represents the source from which something is taken, an entity that receives or benefits from the privation of the source, is an experiencer argument. Recent work (Pylkkänen 2002) has identified a syntactic phenomenon known as a low source applicative 11 that exhibits the same set of semantic features as the BNBV inal class: this section offers an overview of low applicativity based on Pylkkänen’s dissertation that supports a redescription of the *bi-√ prefix in BNBV inal constructions as a low source applicative morpheme. In general terms, an applicative morpheme allows a noun phrase that would otherwise have appeared in an adpositional phrase to appear in a zero/unmarked case and to participate more directly in the syntactic behavior of a verbal predicate. This phenomenon exists, for example, in English in so-called double object constructions as exemplified in the following examples: 11 Pylkkänen’s low source applicative hypothesis represents only the most recent and innovative phase of the investigation of so-called double object constructions. Previous milestones in the investigation of the double object are Larson 1988 and Pesetsky 1995, see Harley 2003 for the current state of double object construction analyses in generative terms, including a review of previous literature. 46
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
Page 11 and 12: adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
Page 13 and 14: forthcoming book. Both provided me
Page 15 and 16: PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
Page 17 and 18: topic and focus. This dissertation
Page 19 and 20: FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
Page 21 and 22: Preface Before turning to the first
Page 23 and 24: 1994), has produced a degree of com
Page 25 and 26: grammatical phenomenon begins with
Page 27 and 28: morphological oppositions that are
Page 29 and 30: The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
Page 31 and 32: descriptive characterizations appli
Page 33 and 34: espects and differ only with respec
Page 35 and 36: ergative case-marked lexical noun p
Page 37 and 38: focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
Page 39 and 40: 1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
Page 41 and 42: transitivity as opposed to the patt
Page 43 and 44: 1.1 Directive case and the oblique
Page 45 and 46: (3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
Page 47 and 48: (6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
Page 49 and 50: interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
Page 51 and 52: BNBV class will be proposed, but in
Page 53 and 54: Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
Page 55 and 56: all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
Page 57 and 58: the two criteria mentioned above, n
Page 59 and 60: Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
Page 61: this chapter. And, it is, after all
Page 65 and 66: in the English double object constr
Page 67 and 68: Various theoretical considerations
Page 69 and 70: But Landau then draws a comparison
Page 71 and 72: work of Nichols who describes the d
Page 73 and 74: 1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
Page 75 and 76: (31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
Page 77 and 78: The special characteristic of BNBV
Page 79 and 80: 9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
Page 81 and 82: (40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
Page 83 and 84: (44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
Page 85 and 86: 465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
Page 87 and 88: 15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
Page 89 and 90: 23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
Page 91 and 92: argument to be changed to locative
Page 93 and 94: (60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
Page 95 and 96: 199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
Page 97 and 98: 1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
Page 99 and 100: Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
Page 101 and 102: Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
Page 103 and 104: 1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
Page 105 and 106: sentences in which they occur, but
Page 107 and 108: In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
Page 109 and 110: 2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
Page 111 and 112: aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
Page 347 and 348:
causative environment described by
Page 349 and 350:
work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
Page 351 and 352:
Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354:
Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
Page 361 and 362:
Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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