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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(18) Sue bought a cake for Lou.<br />

(19) Sue bought Lou a cake.<br />

Although there is no distinct segmental morphology in English, nonetheless it is fairly<br />

clear that the dative case-marked argument in (18), for Lou, can drop its preposition and<br />

shift to a position immediately after the verb and before the patient as in (19). Building<br />

on previous work by, among others, Pesetsky (1995), Pylkkänen (2002) differentiates a<br />

number of different kinds of applicative on the basis of different syntactic criteria. The<br />

most basic opposition drawn by Pylkkänen is between high applicatives and low<br />

applicatives. The classic examples of applicatives from slightly older works are, as a rule,<br />

high applicatives such as the following:<br />

(20) Chichewa (Pylkkänen 2002, 18; Baker 1988, 354)<br />

Maruto a-na-umb-ir-a inpeni mtsuko<br />

PN Sp-Past-mold-Appl-Asp knife waterpot<br />

Maruto molded the waterpot with a knife<br />

Note that the instrumental adjunct, inpeni, “knife,” in (20) is a bare noun, whereas its<br />

English translation, with a knife, is a prepositional phrase. Comparison with other<br />

examples that lack the instrumental adjunct show the *-ir- morpheme indicates that the<br />

knife is an instrument instead of, say, the patient. Pylkkänen then differentiates between<br />

high applicatives such as (20) and two types of low applicative: low goal applicatives as<br />

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