Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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All the texts in which dethematization (-ße 3 immediately preceding *bi-√ prefix verbs) occurs date to the Isin-Larsa period: The Nippur Lament examples dating to perhaps a century before the Rim-Sin B examples (for other exceptional uses of the terminative postposition in the Isin-Larsa period, see Brisch 2003, 138-139; Thomsen 2001 [1984], 103). If they can be corroborated by earlier examples, they may provide evidence of the demotion of the underlying theme (dethematization) so as to allow for underlying subject to appear in the absolutive/nominative case in progressive/imperfective achievements. The appearance of the “agent” in the nominative case in the progressive/imperfective (marû) aspect is to be expected regardless of lexical aspectual class, so the only real evidence for dethematization is the demotion of the patient from absolutive to allative case with a progressive/imperfective achievement verb. 157
2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and inalienable possession under nominalization Among the many morphosyntactic proposals that originate from Yoshikawa’s work, one of the most surprising is that otherwise atelic predicates can, under certain circumstances, be made telic through the introduction of ßu “hand” in a compound verb construction of some kind (Yoshikawa 1993, 82-84). The clearest source of derived telicity, in my view however, is the use of the *bi-√ prefix. This leads to a rather interesting aporia in that, as argued above, the BNBV inal predicates are the prototypical examples of achievements and they include (by definition) a *bi-√ prefix verb as well as an inalienable noun such as ßu: the obvious question is which of these two elements is responsible for the telicity of these predicates. The plausibility of Yoshikawa’s proposal has been obscured up to now by my artificial exclusion of BNBV inal predicates in which ßu functions as the nominal component from my initial survey in chapter 1, but these examples will be presented at the conclusion of this section. At the beginning of the chapter, I spoke of D-stem reduplication in Sumerian as analogous to resultative secondary predication, but at the time I was hesitant to classify D-stem reduplications as resultative secondary predicates in the strict sense. One of the reasons for my hesitation was that the D-stem reduplications differ from ordinary resultatives in a number of little ways, but the main reason for my hesitation was that there is an extremely small group of constructions in Sumerian which resemble English- style secondary predicates even more and that may also provide some insight into which of the two elements, *bi-√ or ßu, codes telicity: the two examples of this phenomenon that I am aware of follow in (63) and (64). 158
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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Page 127 and 128: (Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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Page 131 and 132: (16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
Page 133 and 134: (19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
Page 135 and 136: eduplicated stem is followed by the
Page 137 and 138: 2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
Page 139 and 140: 16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
Page 141 and 142: 352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
Page 143 and 144: check on quality or quantity of fie
Page 145 and 146: accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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Page 153 and 154: (42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
Page 155 and 156: The example in (44) was presented i
Page 157 and 158: The last area of lexical aspectual
Page 159 and 160: As an example of the restriction on
Page 161 and 162: followed by *-e (which could be an
Page 163 and 164: (50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
Page 165 and 166: 26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
Page 167 and 168: 167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
Page 169 and 170: context available in these three pa
Page 171 and 172: less clear. Achievements are quite
Page 173: (61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
Page 177 and 178: followed by resultative seems to be
Page 179 and 180: In (67), I present the two-part der
Page 181 and 182: internal relative clauses such as t
Page 183 and 184: gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
Page 185 and 186: 248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
Page 187 and 188: Since it is an achievement predicat
Page 189 and 190: 10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
Page 191 and 192: (81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
Page 193 and 194: 2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
Page 195 and 196: than indicating the location or adv
Page 197 and 198: (90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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Page 201 and 202: (98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
Page 203 and 204: constituents, which happens to corr
Page 205 and 206: 2.7 The link between the BNBV const
Page 207 and 208: (103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
Page 209 and 210: 3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
Page 211 and 212: contrastive focus construction with
Page 213 and 214: 3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
Page 215 and 216: The easiest way of differentiating
Page 217 and 218: In the case of an existential sente
Page 219 and 220: verbs of direct perception in Sumer
Page 221 and 222: demonstrative reference, whereas th
Page 223 and 224: 3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354:
Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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