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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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pronoun topicalization system or the equative postposition, *-gin 7, while the presupposed<br />

material to the right of the focused constituent consists of a *bi-√ prefix verb.<br />

Before turning to the particular examples of this distributional class, it needs to be<br />

carefully differentiated from a distinct class that bears a superficial resemblance to it,<br />

namely predicates of the form *XP nam.mi-√. Whereas the *XP nam bi-√ construction is<br />

always written in the Old Babylonian period with the graphemes NAM and NE, yielding<br />

the sequence *nam bi 2-√, the members of the *XP nam.mi-√ class, in which there is no<br />

copula to the right of *na-/*nu-, are typically written with the graphemes NAM and MI,<br />

yielding *nam.mi-√. Of the 95 examples of *XP nam.mi-√ and the 25 examples of *XP<br />

nam bi-√ in the composite texts made available through ETCSL, only one simple verbal<br />

root or compound verb occurs in both constructions: √˙u.lu˙. The decisive piece of<br />

evidence in favor of differentiating the two constructions, however, is that fact that *XP<br />

nam bi-√ regularly occurs with a marû root, whereas *XP nam.mi-√ never occurs with a<br />

marû root. If some degree of variation were present, it might provide some evidence in<br />

favor of arguing that the two forms exist in a paradigmatic opposition, but strict<br />

differentiation of the two classes and the nature of the two orthographies would seem to<br />

suggest that they are fundamentally different. Given the usual orthographic conventions<br />

for cuneiform, I would suggest that *nam.mi-√ represents the morpheme *na- prefixed to<br />

a verbal prefix of the form *bi-√, whereas the difference between the final consonant of<br />

/nam/ and the initial consonant of /bi/ presumably indicates that no prefixation is present<br />

in the *XP nam bi-√ construction.<br />

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