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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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Whereas D-stem reduplication introduced an adjectival component to the transitive verbs<br />

above, with respect to adjectival roots, which are necessarily intransitive, the D-stem<br />

reduplication introduces a direct object through causativization. 15<br />

(7) OBGT XI (MSL IV; Yoshikawa 1993, 305)<br />

11. [gun 3].≠gun 3±.na.ab bu-≠ri-im± make colored!<br />

12. [sig 7].sig 7.ga.ab bu-ri-≠iq± make green!<br />

Likewise in example (7), the reduplication of the verbal root yields a resultative form and<br />

in the case of adjectival roots results in a causative semantics. Note, then, that in purely<br />

formal terms, the examples of originally transitive predicates in (4) and (5) form a<br />

resultative secondary predicate through simple reduplication of the root, whereas the<br />

adjectival examples in (6) and (7) start out as a verbal root followed by the<br />

nominalizing/resultative suffix, *-a, and form the resultative secondary predicate by<br />

verbal reduplication that preserves the nominalizing/resultative suffix in final position.<br />

The fact that the resultative D-stem construction of both the transitive and the<br />

adjectival roots yields a semantic complex that includes both a direct object and an<br />

adjectival predicate that modifies the direct object should probably be taken as evidence<br />

that it is a resultative secondary predication (see Rothstein <strong>2004</strong>, 59-90 and references<br />

therein). Yoshikawa drew a fundamental contrast between the D-stem ˙amt¬u<br />

reduplications dealt with above and the Gtn-stem ˙amt¬u reduplications that I turn to now<br />

15 Whether the causativization of the predicate follows from reduplication alone or is related in one way or another to<br />

the *-b- morpheme remains an open question: this is the generalization that best fits the grammatical texts (Kowaki<br />

1982), but it probably needs to be investigated more thoroughly in non-lexical environments.<br />

109

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