Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(36) [[Joe wowapi wa owa] ki] wac‘i Joe book a wrote the want-1Sg I want the book that Joe wrote In (36), the indefinite determiner “wa” occurs inside the relative clause and indicates which noun is being relativized. The definite determiner “ki” then modifies the entire relative clause (although the determiner that modifies the entire clause can be either definite or indefinite). Readers who have some familiarity with Semitic languages will immediately recognize this as the pattern of (in)definiteness that underlies the genitive construction known as the construct state, where the head (possessed) noun cannot bear a definite determiner (hence definiteness is neutralized) and the definiteness of the entire construction is determined by either the presence or the absence of the article on the possessor. This allows one to draw a parallel between the Semitic construct state and the HIRC constructions in Akkadian (the following examples, after Huehnergard 2000, 188). (37) a. [ DP [ Topic Ø] [ Focusb®t e¢puß-u]] imqut Ø house do.1Sg.Perf-Subord fall.3Sg.Perf A/the house I built collapsed b. [ DP [ Topic b®t-um] [ Focusßa e¢puß-u]] imqut house-Def Rel do.1Sg.Perf-Subord fall.3Sg.Perf As for the house, namely the one I built, it collapsed, 237
Although the omission of the nominal suffix -um and the relative pronoun ßa is often taken as more-or-less arbitrary, the fact that ßa can be replaced by indefinite pronouns such as mamma(n) “someone” and mimma “something” (Huehnergard 2000, 188) indicates that the construction in (37a) is not so much indefinite as neutralized with respect to definiteness, expressing neither definiteness nor indefiniteness. In (37b), however, the pattern of the two constructions comes into view: the suffix -um, as elsewhere in Akkadian, indicates that the noun that it modifies is a topic (this topichood was subsequently assimilated to nominative case, but such assimilation is a secondary phenomenon [the association of -um with topic and -am with focus undoubtedly served as the basis for a later assimilation to a nominative/accusative rection along the same lines as, for example, -(n)un and -(l)ul in Korean, cf. the contrast between -e and -am 3 in Sumerian]). If b®tum is taken as a topic, the rest of the relative clause in (37b) can then be interpreted as a HIRC, where the frozen relative marker, ßa (at least in Old Babylonian), corresponds to a highly grammaticalized demonstrative indicating definiteness or specificity. The clause in (37a) can then be taken as a head-internal relative in which the noun that was topicalized in (37b) is incorporated into the relative and serves as the head of a relative that is unmarked for definiteness. The crucial difference between the two is topicalization: (37a) lacks a co-referent topic that the demonstrative ßa would have resumed, while (37b) has such a topic available and uses the demonstrative ßa as a resumptive pronominal. Although there are good reasons to recommend Deutscher’s description of the history of relativization in Akkadian (2002), he fails to mention “head- internal relatives” anywhere in the paper (even in the section on typology) which 238
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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Page 205 and 206: 2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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Page 209 and 210: 3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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Page 213 and 214: 3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
Page 215 and 216: The easiest way of differentiating
Page 217 and 218: In the case of an existential sente
Page 219 and 220: verbs of direct perception in Sumer
Page 221 and 222: demonstrative reference, whereas th
Page 223 and 224: 3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
Page 225 and 226: In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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Page 231 and 232: of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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Page 235 and 236: line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
Page 237 and 238: 349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
Page 239 and 240: 182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
Page 241 and 242: The curious word-order in line 146
Page 243 and 244: 105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
Page 245 and 246: (29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
Page 247 and 248: similar to the previous examples of
Page 249 and 250: (33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
Page 251 and 252: 55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
Page 253: Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
Page 257 and 258: (38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
Page 259 and 260: If we are to pick apart the subtle
Page 261 and 262: which refer to permanent properties
Page 263 and 264: Definite noun phrases such as “my
Page 265 and 266: . kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
Page 267 and 268: . larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
Page 269 and 270: topicalized, the following example
Page 271 and 272: . when there is more than one gover
Page 273 and 274: The contrast in (53), therefore, is
Page 275 and 276: (55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
Page 277 and 278: These distinctions can also provide
Page 279 and 280: ather THE BIRD that did so” count
Page 281 and 282: epeating the presupposition of the
Page 283 and 284: (5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
Page 285 and 286: 4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
Page 287 and 288: In the first of my examples of focu
Page 289 and 290: indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
Page 291 and 292: 62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
Page 293 and 294: 117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
Page 295 and 296: Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
Page 297 and 298: 245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
Page 299 and 300: ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
Page 301 and 302: (22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
Page 303 and 304: 4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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