Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(39) AbB 4, 94: 12-14 eqlam ... a˙˙® ab®ja imkusu¢-ma ≠ÍE±-am itbalu¢ My uncles have gathered up (the taxes on) the field, so that they can take it for themselves. (40) AbB 4, 16: 8-11 Í eqel b®t ab®ja ®kamanni-ma ana re¢dîm ittadin Í. has taken a field that belongs to the household of my father away from me, so that he can give it to a soldier. Akkadian iptaras forms, therefore, seem to function along the lines of injunctives elsewhere in Akkadian (as well as other relatively old Semitic languages). Injunction sequences expressing result or purpose, likewise, make use of the particle -ma, yielding sequences such as the following (after Huehnergard 2000, 147). (41) kaspam ßua¢ti piqdam-ma ekallam lu¢pul-ma b®t® la¢ i≈abbatu¢ Provide me with the aforementioned silver, so that I can pay the palace, so that they do not seize my estate. As Huehnergard describes the phenomenon: In a sequence of two or more clauses in which the first verb is an injunctive form, i.e., an Imperative, a Precative, a Prohibitive, or a Vetitive, and the following verb or 133
verbs are also injunctive forms, and the verbs are connected either by -ma or, less often, asyndetically . . ., the second and following clauses are often to be translated as purpose clauses (i.e., ‘so that’, ‘in order that’, ‘that’). (Huehnergard 2000, 147) But I would differentiate purpose clauses, which are regularly indicated in Akkadian by the preposition ana + infinitive, from causal and result clauses. The traditional description of linked non-indicative clauses, as rehearsed by Huehnergard above, does use terms such as “purpose clause,” but it would be far better to characterize the relation as a causal one: “A causes B” or “B results from A” without any imposition of intentionality (or the deontic modality associated with it). Clearly the causal relation between a series of events (“A, so B, so C”) is independent of the deontic modality coded by what are traditionally called moods such as “precative” or “imperative.” I would argue that the indicative form of a causal sequence in Akkadian (the unmarked term within the system of deontic modality) is represented by iptaras, the Akkadian “perfect,” in sequential forms. 20 Bearing this correlation in mind, I would like to propose that the Akkadian form that should correspond to reduplicated achievement predicates in Sumerian is the iptaras form in its cause or result functions. Such a correspondence would yield a rather elegant system of secondary or adverbial reduplication in Sumerian: (a) reduplicated activity predicates (Gtn-stem reduplications) would be similar to depictive secondary predicates, (b) reduplicated achievement predicates (iptaras reduplications) would correspond to 20 The form corresponding to iptaras + ma in other older Semitic languages is clearly the use of wa- in both Eblaite and Northwest Semitic; whether /ma/ and /wa/ are to be equated remains unclear to me, but it is certainly a possibility that deserves further investigation. Particularly interesting in this regard is the apparent variation in Eblaite texts between the use of WA and U 3 as clause-initial connectors. 134
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
Page 99 and 100: Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
Page 101 and 102: Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
Page 103 and 104: 1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
Page 105 and 106: sentences in which they occur, but
Page 107 and 108: In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
Page 109 and 110: 2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
Page 111 and 112: aspect” as a rough equivalent to
Page 113 and 114: esultative secondary predicates—i
Page 115 and 116: In (1), factoring out tense as much
Page 117 and 118: separately on the basis of whether
Page 119 and 120: In the three examples in (2), contr
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Page 125 and 126: forms are, in some cases at least,
Page 127 and 128: (Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
Page 129 and 130: coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
Page 131 and 132: (16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
Page 133 and 134: (19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
Page 135 and 136: eduplicated stem is followed by the
Page 137 and 138: 2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
Page 139 and 140: 16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
Page 141 and 142: 352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
Page 143 and 144: check on quality or quantity of fie
Page 145 and 146: accomplishment, so as secondary pre
Page 147 and 148: earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
Page 149: denoting progress also occurs in su
Page 153 and 154: (42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
Page 155 and 156: The example in (44) was presented i
Page 157 and 158: The last area of lexical aspectual
Page 159 and 160: As an example of the restriction on
Page 161 and 162: followed by *-e (which could be an
Page 163 and 164: (50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
Page 165 and 166: 26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
Page 167 and 168: 167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
Page 169 and 170: context available in these three pa
Page 171 and 172: less clear. Achievements are quite
Page 173 and 174: (61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
Page 175 and 176: 2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
Page 177 and 178: followed by resultative seems to be
Page 179 and 180: In (67), I present the two-part der
Page 181 and 182: internal relative clauses such as t
Page 183 and 184: gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
Page 185 and 186: 248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
Page 187 and 188: Since it is an achievement predicat
Page 189 and 190: 10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
Page 191 and 192: (81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
Page 193 and 194: 2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
Page 195 and 196: than indicating the location or adv
Page 197 and 198: (90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
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Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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