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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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In the case of an existential sentence, the speaker does not include him- or herself in the<br />

utterance at all, since the claim is that the state of affairs exists quite independently of the<br />

person who is uttering the statement. In a certain sense, existential sentences are the<br />

inversion in pragmatic terms of so-called explicit primary performatives as in (8).<br />

(8) I promise to bring the book to class tomorrow.<br />

Although both (7) and (8) necessarily involve a speaker who is making an assertion of<br />

one kind or another, in (7), there is no element of the sentence that refers to the speaker<br />

and in fact there is no referential noun phrase in the nominative position before the verb.<br />

The presence of expletive there in the position in a sentence usually reserved for the<br />

person who takes responsibility for the truth of the state of affairs referred to by the rest<br />

of the sentence prevents any kind of responsibility or intention from being attributed to<br />

anyone (known as illocutionary force in some circles, abstracting away from culturally<br />

contingent notions such as intentionality, see Searle [1969] for the emic view and<br />

Rosaldo [1982] for the anthropological critique, cf. Duranti [1997, 231]). In precisely the<br />

opposite way, the first person pronoun in (8) results in a situation in which the speaker’s<br />

intention is presupposed and the speaker is held responsible for the promise in question<br />

(see Austin 1975 [1962]; Silverstein 1993b, 46).<br />

There are, furthermore, similarities between existential sentences, perception reports<br />

and (although not dealt with in this paper) reported speech in that they correspond to a<br />

segment of the implicational hierarchy for systems of evidentiality.<br />

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