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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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Definite noun phrases such as “my brother” or “the guy standing on the corner” can only<br />

occur in definiteness effect environments as a list of alternatives, known as a pair-list<br />

reading. Even if only a single definite noun occurs, it is still interpreted as only one of<br />

several possible alternatives. The pair-list interpretation of definite nouns that occur in<br />

definiteness effect environments can be confirmed by looking at the behavior of what are<br />

known as strong quantifiers such as “each” and “every” in definiteness effect<br />

environments. McNally (1992 apud Chung and McCloskey 2002, 6) notes that strong<br />

quantifiers only appear in contexts affected by the definiteness effect when they quantify<br />

over semantic kinds as in the following example from Chung and McCloskey (2002, 6).<br />

(46) There was every kind of ice cream in the fridge.<br />

Here the quantifier “every” does not quantify over individuals, but rather over types as<br />

indicated by “every kind of . . . .”<br />

Definiteness effects such as the one identified in English existential “there”<br />

sentences are fairly common in other languages and have been studied in considerable<br />

detail for years. Of the three major analytical traditions in the investigation of<br />

definiteness effects, identified by Chung and McCloskey as the impersonal approach<br />

(Milsark 1974; Chomsky 1981; Safir 1985; Chomsky 1986; Reuland and Meulen 1987,<br />

passim non vidi), the locative approach (Lyons 1967; 1968; Clark 1978; Kuno 1971;<br />

Freeze 1992), and the pragmatics approach (Lumsden 1988, Prince 1992; Abbot 1992;<br />

1993; 1997; Ward and Birner 1995; 1997; Zucchi 1995, passim non vidi), I would like to<br />

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