Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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(57) Sargon Legend, 3 N-T 296, ll. 23-27 (Cooper and Heimpel 1983, 75, 77; Karahashi 2000, 181) 24. [i 7] ≠ma˙ i 7 mud±.ße 3 œa 2.ra For me, she drowned you in a great [river], mu.un.≠gir 5±.re.de 3.en a river of blood, 25. [x] ≠x± [d] ≠ur±.[ d za].ba 4.ba 4 … Urzababa chewed his lips, became nundum zu 2 bi 2.in.≠gu 7± seriously afraid, 26. [x x] x na ≠AN± [x] sukkal.a.ni He spoke to … his chancellor, ≠gu 3± mu.na.de 2.e 27. […] ≠nin 9.e±.œu 10 ku 3 d inanna.ke 4 “… my royal sister, Inanna,” (58) SP, UM 55-21-278 = 3 N-T 179 (Karahashi 2000, 181) ka 5.a zu 2 bi 2.in.sud 2.sud 2 A fox bites. The extensive set of examples in this section show a regular case-marking pattern (adversely affected argument in the locative, *-a, while the positively affected argument occurs in the ergative, *-e) that differs from the case-marking pattern in the previous section in one detail: whereas the perceived object in BNBV inal verbs of perception regularly occurs in the locative-terminative case, *-e, the negatively affected argument in BNBV inal verbs of adversity regularly occur in the locative, *-a. I suspect that in the older phases of the language, the negatively affected argument in BNBV inal verbs of adversity was also followed by the locative-terminative, but that, unlike verbs of perception, the *bi-√ prefix in verbs of adversity caused the case-marking on the negatively affected 73
argument to be changed to locative in those cases in which an explicit postposition is written; in some of the cases, however, the negatively affected argument is modified by a possessive pronoun or is entirely bare. I would interpret this variation as a sign of the uncertainty many scribes faced in assigning a case to these examples. 74
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
Page 39 and 40: 1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
Page 41 and 42: transitivity as opposed to the patt
Page 43 and 44: 1.1 Directive case and the oblique
Page 45 and 46: (3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
Page 47 and 48: (6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
Page 49 and 50: interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
Page 51 and 52: BNBV class will be proposed, but in
Page 53 and 54: Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
Page 55 and 56: all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
Page 57 and 58: the two criteria mentioned above, n
Page 59 and 60: Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
Page 61 and 62: this chapter. And, it is, after all
Page 63 and 64: 1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
Page 65 and 66: in the English double object constr
Page 67 and 68: Various theoretical considerations
Page 69 and 70: But Landau then draws a comparison
Page 71 and 72: work of Nichols who describes the d
Page 73 and 74: 1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
Page 75 and 76: (31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
Page 77 and 78: The special characteristic of BNBV
Page 79 and 80: 9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
Page 81 and 82: (40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
Page 83 and 84: (44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
Page 85 and 86: 465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
Page 87 and 88: 15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
Page 89: 23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
Page 93 and 94: (60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
Page 95 and 96: 199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
Page 97 and 98: 1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
Page 99 and 100: Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
Page 101 and 102: Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
Page 103 and 104: 1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
Page 105 and 106: sentences in which they occur, but
Page 107 and 108: In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
Page 109 and 110: 2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
Page 111 and 112: aspect” as a rough equivalent to
Page 113 and 114: esultative secondary predicates—i
Page 115 and 116: In (1), factoring out tense as much
Page 117 and 118: separately on the basis of whether
Page 119 and 120: In the three examples in (2), contr
Page 121 and 122: nominal modified by the secondary p
Page 123 and 124: translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
Page 125 and 126: forms are, in some cases at least,
Page 127 and 128: (Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
Page 129 and 130: coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
Page 131 and 132: (16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
Page 133 and 134: (19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
Page 135 and 136: eduplicated stem is followed by the
Page 137 and 138: 2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
Page 139 and 140: 16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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. kamree-mee aadmii hai room-in man
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. larkee-kee paas kuttaa hai boy.Ob
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topicalized, the following example
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. when there is more than one gover
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The contrast in (53), therefore, is
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(55) John-un [[totwuk-i tomangka]-n
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These distinctions can also provide
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ather THE BIRD that did so” count
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epeating the presupposition of the
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(5) Gilgamesh and the Netherworld,
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4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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In the first of my examples of focu
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indicate that Enmerkar seeks neithe
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62. d en.lil 2 d nin.lil 2.da tuß.
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117. ki lugal gub ki dadag.ga nam I
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Alster (1974, 34-35) reconstructs l
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245. d ezina 2.ra You should not ..
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ki 34. lu2 ma2.ri2 .ke4 œalga ur.r
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(22) The Young Scribe and his Fathe
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4.3 Focus-affected compound verb co
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11. na ri.ga.œu 10 ßu nam bi 2.ba
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following a word that ends in /n/ i
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408. u 4 ˙ul gig du 11.ga d en.lil
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and made the subject of a lengthy
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It is interesting that the construc
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as “to look at,” which need not
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(32) María se fué con nada Maria
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applying to nada as in [32b]) and
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is negated. The phrase igi nu mu.ni
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(33a), “Maria didn’t leave with
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(41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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ninda and uzu.zu appear in the same
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(“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
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5 Possession, animacy and the rise
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understood as a single component of
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increasingly specific) models of th
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diachronic origins (as opposed to t
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C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
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Here in the realm of participial co
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straightforward: the perception beg
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instrumentality. In other words, th
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causative environment described by
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work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
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Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354:
Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
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Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
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Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
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Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
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Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
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------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
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------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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