Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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4.5 Seeing something that is no longer there: The demonstrative *-re and visual perception The somewhat unusual characterization of contrastive focus in Sumerian in the foregoing pages has a number of features to recommend it, notably the degree to which it makes sense of otherwise recalcitrant textual passages. But the major flaw it embodies is that in no case—not even one—is the positive contrastive alternative to the negated focal phrase present in the text-artifactual record. In light of such a seemingly problematic empirical gap, I would like to offer a redescription of the phenomena in the previous section that captures the contrastive force of the construction without necessarily positing a distinct, positive contrastive sentence that is regularly deleted under relevance. At the same time, the alternative proposed in this section—based on Herburger’s analysis of double negation in Spanish—also helps us to make sense of the igi nam bi 2.ib 2.du 8 construction in the previous section. I should emphasize that the interpretation of the *XP nam bi-√ construction in this section is not necessarily incommensurable with that of the previous section: given the different levels at which a particular grammatical construction can be evaluated (morphological, semantic, pragmatic, generic), the previous section can be thought of as an investigation of the construction in pragmatic or generic terms, whereas this section looks more directly at its morphosyntactic and semantic details. As part of a quite involved argument on the nature of focal presupposition that need not detain us here, Herburger reviews certain interesting double negative constructions in Spanish (Herburger 2000, 23-26). The following examples provide a useful starting point (Herburger 2000, 24, ex. 19 and 20). 299
(32) María se fué con nada Maria left with nothing “Maria left with nothing” (33) María no se fué con nada Maria Neg left with nothing a. “Maria didn’t leave with anything (simple negation)” b. “Maria didn’t leave with nothing, i.e., she left with something (double negation)” Whereas the example in (32) with its negative indefinite pronoun in the prepositional phrase con nada “with nothing” has only one interpretation: “that Maria left, but that she did not take anything with her,” the sentence in (33) has two diametrically opposed interpretations. The interpretation in (33a) is basically equivalent to the meaning of the sentence in (32), where nada “nothing” is what is known as a negative polarity item (NPI) such as “any” in English. Hence the proper translation of (32) and (33a) in English would be the two following sentences. (34) a. Maria left with nothing. b. Maria didn’t leave with anything. 300
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angele
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To Grace iii
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Section 2.3: BNBV inal reduplicatio
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Each dance and its
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education in anthropological lingui
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adopted me, taught me Japanese, fed
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forthcoming book. Both provided me
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PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS John
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topic and focus. This dissertation
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FocusP Focus Phrase ForceP (Illocut
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Preface Before turning to the first
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1994), has produced a degree of com
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grammatical phenomenon begins with
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morphological oppositions that are
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The topic-marked noun in (1), Mary,
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descriptive characterizations appli
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espects and differ only with respec
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ergative case-marked lexical noun p
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focus, clause-linkage and rhetorica
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1 The BNBV inal distributional clas
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transitivity as opposed to the patt
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1.1 Directive case and the oblique
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(3) Ean. 11 2:9-3:4 (Jagersma forth
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(6) Ean. 1 9:2-3 (Zólyomi 1999: 21
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interpreting [ni] 10 as locative, w
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BNBV class will be proposed, but in
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Examples (8) and (9) obviously diff
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all identical in syntax), XP 1 refe
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the two criteria mentioned above, n
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Note that two lexemes, saœ-√il 2
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this chapter. And, it is, after all
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1.3 BNBV inal as a low source appli
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in the English double object constr
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Various theoretical considerations
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But Landau then draws a comparison
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work of Nichols who describes the d
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1.4 BNBV inal verbs of perception B
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(31) Eduba Regulations [PBS 1/2, 98
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The special characteristic of BNBV
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9. 1/3(diß) ma.na 5(diß) gin 2 in
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(40) Inanna and Ebih [1.3.2], ll. 8
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(44) Sumerian Proverbs, Collection
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465. d nergal d meß 3.lam.ta.e 3.[
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15. [x x] ki niœ 2 zi pa.an.pa.ne.
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23. d en.lil 2.le igi.ni ki kur 2.r
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argument to be changed to locative
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(60) A praise poem of Shulgi (Shulg
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199. uruda ˙a.zi.in 2(diß) ma.na
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1.7 Possible motivations for the BN
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Note that I differ from Zólyomi in
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Gragg’s statistics, based on a co
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1.8 Ergative possessors and the tra
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sentences in which they occur, but
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In the examples in (72), a dummy pr
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2 Decomposing lexical aspect: Telic
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aspect” as a rough equivalent to
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esultative secondary predicates—i
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In (1), factoring out tense as much
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separately on the basis of whether
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In the three examples in (2), contr
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nominal modified by the secondary p
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translated by Akkadian D-stem verbs
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forms are, in some cases at least,
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(Yoshikawa 1993, 308). Whereas D-st
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coffee—only the inanimacy of coff
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(16) wo3 wen4 (yi) wen4 zai4 jue2-d
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(19) ta1 de lian3 hen3 bai2 she Pos
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eduplicated stem is followed by the
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2.3 BNBV inal reduplication: Depict
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16. dum.dum.bi lugal d ur. d za.ba
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352. œiß bal ki.ßar 2.ra mu.ni.i
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check on quality or quantity of fie
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accomplishment, so as secondary pre
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earing the *bi-√ prefix generally
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denoting progress also occurs in su
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verbs are also injunctive forms, an
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(42) The Exploits of Ninurta [1.6.2
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The example in (44) was presented i
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The last area of lexical aspectual
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As an example of the restriction on
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followed by *-e (which could be an
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(50) [ Topic saœ.ki.ni [ Appositio
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26. d en.ki me a.na œal 2.la mu.u
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167. peß 2 tur.≠gin 7± kiri 3
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context available in these three pa
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less clear. Achievements are quite
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(61) A hymn to Haya for Rim-Sin (Ri
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2.5 Introducing telicity, ßu, and
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followed by resultative seems to be
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In (67), I present the two-part der
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internal relative clauses such as t
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gave the floor a clean sweep” onl
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248. [za].e tuß.a er 2 œa 2.e ga.
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Since it is an achievement predicat
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10. siki.ni u2 numun 2.bur.gin 7 i
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(81) Enmerkar and Ensu˙girana [1.8
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2.6 BNBV inal as a particle-verb co
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than indicating the location or adv
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(90) Hey, toss [ Indirect object me
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object position if the applicative
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(98) Indonesian causative in -kan (
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constituents, which happens to corr
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2.7 The link between the BNBV const
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(103) a. BI (du 8, igi, gig) b. gu
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3 Diagnosing presupposition in Sume
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contrastive focus construction with
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3.1 Presupposition and assertion, t
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The easiest way of differentiating
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In the case of an existential sente
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verbs of direct perception in Sumer
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demonstrative reference, whereas th
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3.2 Focus and focal presupposition
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In both (15a) and (15b), the focuse
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sentence (taking into consideration
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similar structures in other languag
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of *mini-√ < *bi-ni-√, the situ
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emphasize that in all likelihood th
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line 207: instead of igi mi.ni.in.i
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349. i 3.gur 2 ki.a mu.na.ab.za He
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182. niœ 2. ak.a “What my evil m
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The curious word-order in line 146
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105. e 2 nam.ti.la e 2 d en.lil 2.l
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(29) Lugalbanda I [1.8.2.1], l. 409
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similar to the previous examples of
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(33) Textual witnesses to Dumuzi’
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55. su 8.ba.ra ki d œeßtin.an.na.
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Shlonsky 2004). If one were to tran
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Although the omission of the nomina
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(38) a. Enmerkar and the Lord of Ar
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If we are to pick apart the subtle
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which refer to permanent properties
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Definite noun phrases such as “my
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Page 285 and 286: 4.2 Focus-affected *bi-√ prefix c
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Page 325 and 326: (41) a. ston petro dhanisan to vivl
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Page 329 and 330: (“Specify” in Chung and Ladusaw
Page 331 and 332: 5 Possession, animacy and the rise
Page 333 and 334: understood as a single component of
Page 335 and 336: increasingly specific) models of th
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Page 339 and 340: C” ergativity. Whether Type C erg
Page 341 and 342: Here in the realm of participial co
Page 343 and 344: straightforward: the perception beg
Page 345 and 346: instrumentality. In other words, th
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Page 349 and 350: work on bare nouns, indefiniteness
Page 351 and 352: Baker, Mark. 1988. Incorporation: A
Page 353 and 354: Cooper, Jerrold, and Wolfgang Heimp
Page 355 and 356: Givón, T. 1984. Syntax: A Function
Page 357 and 358: Kim, Ji-yung. 2003. Verb Reduplicat
Page 359 and 360: Loprieno, Antonio. 1991. Focus, Moo
Page 361 and 362: Prince, Ellen. 1992. The ZPG Letter
Page 363 and 364: ------. 1991. The Alignment of Argu
Page 365 and 366: ------. 1970. Eine Schicksalsentsch
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Johnson 2004 - CDLI - UCLA

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